Abstract

Social capital has been increasingly recognized as a valuable resource for people throughout society but is often left of discussions about low-income families. Social capital includes networks, connections, information, trust, and norms of reciprocity that are shared by groups of connected people (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Brisson & Usher, 2005; Woolcock, 1998). The recognition that social capital may represent an important component of social mobility for low-income families represents a shift from the view that moving of poverty requires cutting ties and moving away from kin and community (Belle, 1983; Dodson, 1999; Rainwater, 1970).Putnam (2000) explored the benefits of collective social capital for society and individuals. He divided social capital into bridging and bonding, attributing this conceptual distinction to Gittell and Vidal (1998). According to this framework, bonding social networks are networks of people who are similar. Such networks offer connections and support among homogenous groups. Bridging social networks help connect people to others outside their ordinary day-to-day activities. These diverse networks encourage interaction outside the community (Brisson & Usher, 2005; Gittell & Vidal, 1998; Putnam, 2000).Poverty scholars studying social capital in low-income families also identify these two distinct social networks that provide different kinds of gains. However, in the past, scholars focused on the cost of maintaining bonding social networks in low-income communities (Belle, 1983; Riley & Eckenrode, 1986). Within the framework of social mobility attainment, the responsibilities of maintaining this social network can be seen as a barrier to individual progress (Dominguez & Watkins, 2003; Riley & Eckenrode, 1986; Stack, 1974). A cultural focus on autonomy and individual success contrasts with the idea that low-income women may benefit from forming networks and gaining social mobility in tandem (Dominguez & Watkins, 2003; Nelson, 2000; Sanyal, 2009). Others claim that social support within low-income communities is not as prevalent as it once was (Roschelle, 1997).In this article we examine qualitative data from an antipoverty program designed to support the economic and career advancement of low-income single parents. The program fostered the development of social networks that emerged among the participants over a 3-year period. Researchers conducted annual in-depth interviews as part of a qualitative program assessment. Our investigation examined the obstacles these single parents encountered in their daily lives and the supports that were the most helpful in responding to them. Social networks emerged as a dominant theme early in the interview process. In this article, we examine the data on social networks that emerged from the interviews using the following research questions: (a) What types of social networks emerged in this setting? and (b) How did these networks affect the daily lives of participants?Social Networks Generate Social CapitalSocial networks are broadly viewed as an important way of generating social capital and enabling economic development and social mobility (Briggs, 1998; Portes, 2000; Putnam, 1995). Scholars have utilized the concept of social capital in the areas of education and child welfare to assess predictors of youth delinquency and success (Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Kahne & Bailey, 1999). Some business and organizational literature also analyzes the impact of social capital (networking) on employment success (Fernandez, Castilla, & Moore, 2000; George & Chaze, 2009; Leana & Van Buren, 1999). However, there is surprisingly little literature focused on social capital building in low-income communities in the United States. The lack of studies may reflect the notion that to succeed, poor people need to move up and out of the community. Dominguez and Watkins (2003) examined social networks among African American and F afin American low-income mothers and found social support and social leverage networks could enable social mobility. …

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