Abstract
This paper presents a theory of the semantics and pragmatics of present tenses. In DRT, and throughout the literature in the field, simple present tenses are treated reportively: they introduce a condition saying that the time of utterance and the interval for which the eventuality is claimed are identical. That renders the correct interpretation for sentences where the eventualities are states. In sentences where the eventuality is an event, the habitual meaning of present tense has to be captured by adverbial(-like) operators. I will argue for a nonreportive treatment of simple present event sentences, where the utterance time is a proper subpart of the interval the eventuality is claimed for. The habitual and the sportscaster values of present tenses will be rendered in the interaction of the non-reportive condition with Gricean principles within an OT Semantic framework. Key-words: present tenses; (non)-reportive; semanticspragmatics interface.
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