Abstract

Using longitudinal data on sibling pairs from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, we investigate the influence of father presence on behavioral and cognitive outcomes for children. Our results indicate that children who live in one-parent families exhibit more behavioral problems and have lower mathematics and reading ability than children in two-parent families. The differences across time between children in two-parent and one-parent families are very stable for behavioral problems and mathematics ability. For reading ability, however, the difference between children in two-parent and one-parent families increases over time. Substantial increases in the rate of divorce and out-of-wedlock childbearing have led to fewer children living with two parents. In 1970, 85% of all children lived with two parents. In 1994, this figure had dropped to 69% (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1996), and the cross-sectional figures underestimate the percentage of children who will spend some time in a family. Castro and Bumpass (1989) estimate that nearly one half of all children will live in a one-parent before reaching age 18. These changes in structure have focused attention on the role that fathers play in the well-being of their children. The emphasis on fathers stems from the fact that the majority of families are headed by women and most absent fathers have little contact with their children (Crockett, Eggebeen, & Hawkins, 1993; Furstenberg, Nord, Peterson, & Zill, 1983). Increasingly, children are losing access to the social, economic, and emotional support that fathers can provide. We consider the relationship between living in a and the behavioral and cognitive functioning of children. The terms single-parent family and mother-only family are used interchangeably in this article. We examine data taken from the matched mother-child file in the National Longitudinal Study of Youth (NLSY). We extend prior research by examining the behavioral and cognitive outcomes of siblings by type over time. The use of siblings allows us to separate between-family from within-family variance in the outcomes of interest for both older and younger siblings. Thus, we obtain estimates of the relative influence of familial versus sibling-specific (nonfamilial) factors on behavioral and cognitive outcomes over time according to structure. PRIOR RESEARCH Although early research found only limited evidence of a negative effect of living in a singleparent on the behavioral and cognitive functioning of children (Heatherington, Camara, & Featherman, 1983), recent research provides more consistent evidence of a positive association (Crockett et al., 1993; Dornbusch et al., 1985; Entwistle & Alexander, 1995, 1996; Fergusson, Dimond, & Horwood, 1986; Luster & McAdoo, 1994; Mulkey, Crain, & Harrington, 1992; Steinberg, 1987). Children who live in families evidence more behavioral problems and score lower on measures of school-based competence and standardized measures of cognitive achievement. There are three predominant explanations of the relationship between father presence and both behavioral and cognitive outcomes. First, families possess fewer financial resources than do two-parent families. Economic deprivation has been linked to material conditions (fewer books and games) and behavior (parental conflict, inconsistent and harsh parenting practices) in the home that reduce intellectual stimulation and growth (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994; Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1994; Elder, Conger, Foster, & Ardelt, 1992; Garrett, Ng'andu, & Ferron, 1994; Hashima & Amato, 1994). Children in poor families are also more likely to live in neighborhoods and attend schools that provide fewer incentives to behave in a prosocial manner or to achieve academically (Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, Klebanov, & Sealand, 1993; Duncan et al. …

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