Abstract
BackgroundUnsafe abortion is a major public health problem in Ghana; despite its liberal abortion law, access to safe, legal abortion in public health facilities is limited. Theory is often neglected as a tool for providing evidence to inform better practice; in this study we investigated the reasons for poor implementation of the policy in Ghana using Lipsky’s theory of street-level bureaucracy to better understand how providers shape and implement policy and how provider-level barriers might be overcome.MethodsIn-depth interviews were conducted with 43 health professionals of different levels (managers, obstetricians, midwives) at three hospitals in Accra, as well as staff from smaller and private sector facilities. Relevant policy and related documents were also analysed.ResultsFindings confirm that health providers’ views shape provision of safe-abortion services. Most prominently, providers experience conflicts between their religious and moral beliefs about the sanctity of (foetal) life and their duty to provide safe-abortion care. Obstetricians were more exposed to international debates, treaties, and safe-abortion practices and had better awareness of national research on the public health implications of unsafe abortions; these factors tempered their religious views. Midwives were more driven by fundamental religious values condemning abortion as sinful. In addition to personal views and dilemmas, ‘social pressures’ (perceived views of others concerning abortion) and the actions of facility managers affected providers’ decision to (openly) provide abortion services.In order to achieve a workable balance between these pressures and duties, providers use their ‘discretion’ in deciding if and when to provide abortion services, and develop ‘coping mechanisms’ which impede implementation of abortion policy.ConclusionsThe application of theory confirmed its utility in a lower-middle income setting and expanded its scope by showing that provider values and attitudes (not just resource constraints) modify providers’ implementation of policy; moreover their power of modification is constrained by organisational hierarchies and mid-level managers. We also revealed differing responses of ‘front line workers’ regarding the pressures they face; whilst midwives are seen globally as providers of safe-abortion services, in Ghana the midwife cadre displays more negative attitudes towards them than doctors. These findings allow the identification of recommendations for evidence-based practice.
Highlights
The prevalence of unsafe abortion in Ghana is a matter of concern; it is thought to contribute to the country’s unexpectedly high maternal mortality rates of 580 per 100,000 live births [1,2]
Abortion policy in Ghana is currently a particular priority for investigation because of the unexpectedly low impact its effective legalisation has had on reducing the maternal mortality rate in Ghana – the reduction of which remains a priority of the Government of Ghana
Several obstetricians noted that if women had no access to safe-abortion services, they would resort to dangerous means of terminating unwanted pregnancies, ending up in hospital which they referred to as ‘sitting back and cleaning up the mess’ or doing ‘post-abortion maintenance’ and contributing to Ghana’s high maternal mortality rate: “... about 30% of maternal deaths is due to unsafe abortion ... provision of safe-abortion services is one of the easiest ways of reducing maternal mortality.”
Summary
The prevalence of unsafe abortion in Ghana is a matter of concern; it is thought to contribute to the country’s unexpectedly high maternal mortality rates of 580 per 100,000 live births [1,2]. It took twenty years to translate the law into working policy documents within the Ministry of Health (MOH); a three pronged approach to tackle abortion exists: contraceptive use, provision of safe-abortion services, and the effective management of complications of unsafe abortion are set out in the National Reproductive Health Service Policy and Standards of the MOH and Ghana Health Service [5,6]. This policy document specifies that safe-abortion services are to be provided where permitted by law and abortion complications are to be managed or referred. Theory is often neglected as a tool for providing evidence to inform better practice; in this study we investigated the reasons for poor implementation of the policy in Ghana using Lipsky’s theory of street-level bureaucracy to better understand how providers shape and implement policy and how provider-level barriers might be overcome
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