Shakespeare's Canon

Summary. The role‐conflicts of a group of adolescents (and pre‐adolescents) were assessed by asking the subjects to indicate how they would behave ideally, how they thought they in fact behaved, and how they thought various adult authorities and their friends expected them to behave. This was done by ranking various areas of conduct as they themselves, and in their view the adults and friends, evaluated them in their behaviour. The extent of disagreement among the ranks was taken as a measure of conflict.The adolescents were 470 fifteen‐year‐old grammar and modern school boys and girls in three industrial towns. A last‐year junior school group of forty‐seven children and sixty‐nine late‐teenage male technical college students were also investigated. Role‐conflict was greatest among the grammar‐school boys and technical college students, least among secondary modern school girls and junior school children. Grammar school boys showed more conflict than modern school boys, grammar school girls than modern school girls. There were no social‐class differences within a particular type of school. Teachers, mothers, fathers (and bosses) were seen by all groups to have substantially the same expectations; but there was greater conflict between self‐conception and perceived expectations of friends. The grammar school pupils' conception of their role stood midway between the perceived expectations of friends and of adults; the modern school children did not so generally see themselves between such extreme and conflicting demands.

The ‘First-Generation’ Grammar School Boy

In 1959 Colin MacInnes published the fourth in his series of social issue novels, Absolute Beginners. In it the unnamed protagonist was constructed as the iconic teenager: slick, cool, and creative. This ‘Boy’ could be dismissed as emblematic of MacInnes as the “perpetual teenager” or indeed the object of MacInnes’s own desires (Gould, Inside Outsider: The Life and Times of Colin MacInnes, Chatto & Windus, 1983). But if you move across MacInnes work as a whole, ‘the Boy’ becomes a complex political subjectivity. We bring together MacIness’s novels, memoir, journalism and activism to map ‘the Boy’ as an autonomous, queer political agent (e.g. England, Half English, 1961). ‘The Boy’ was, of course, based on a real person, Ray Gosling. In the second part of this chapter we weave together, Gosling’s two volumes of autobiography (Sum Total, 1962; Personal Copy, 1980). We find the uneasy story of a classic ‘Grammar School Boy’ struggling to negotiate both middle and working class worlds whilst remaining true to an ‘authentic’ self. Using Gosling’s journalism and unpublished work, we will show how class and sexuality intersected to shape Gosling’s activism and his historical construction of selfhood as the political optimism of the 1960s and 1970s gave way to the gloom of AIDS into the 1980s. We argue that the teenager is, and has always been, inflected through queer masculinity and that, in turn, experiences and stories of post-war social mobility impacted the gay activism that followed.

DURING the course of the collection of data for an investigation of certain problems related to school-leaving behaviour among fifth-form boys in a Midland's grammar school, information was obtained about their real and their ideal expectations about their own occupation achievement. This report is concerned with an analysis of relationships among these real and ideal vocational aspirations and achievement-related anxiety as measured by a modified form of the test anxiety questionnaire (TAQ)1 which had been prepared for use within the British school system as a 15-item self-rating scale.

During the first half of the sixteenth century, the English gentry came to realize that its continued access to the controls of power would depend less on birth and military prowess and more on literacy and learning. As a result, the sons of gentlemen flooded into the grammar schools, where they acquired a good knowledge of classical Latin and, rather less commonly, the rudiments of Greek. Together with the languages of the ancients, the schoolboys imbibed at least something of classical ideals. Principally they learned the duty of service to the common weal, a service to be expressed politically. That ideal had permeated Roman education and, through the writings of humanist educational theorists such as Erasmus, was embodied in the curricula of the English grammar schools and universities. Young men were trained in the arts of argument. They learned the trick of compiling a commonplace book, under whose artfully devised headings they entered the “flowers” of their reading. Then, when occasion demanded it, in conversation or letter, in the law courts or parliament, they could search out the appropriate topos, in their memories or in their notes, and bring to bear the weight of classical (and even modern) wisdom. So much, indeed, might be learned by all grammar school boys. Those who proceeded to the universities added further weapons to their armories. Since the universities existed principally to train theologians and preachers, a function whose importance increased as it became necessary to defend English Protestantism from the attacks of Catholics and separatists, they emphasized dialectic.

This study attempts to seek data on the main sources of worry among secondary school pupils, the extent to which the type of worry and its frequency vary with age, and the influence of the type of school attended, grammar or secondary modern, upon the frequency and intensity of the type of worry. Two worry list questionnaires were constructed. There was a general decrease with age in the frequency and intensity of worry, and no significant worry differences between grammar and modern pupils, except for the 13‐year‐old group, where the secondary modern pupils had more frequent and intense worries than the grammar. The percentages for the frequency and intensity of worry were similar in both groups for each type of worry, the most frequent sources of worry being the family, social relationships and school, and the least frequent being animals, economic and personal health concerns. Some significant differences existed: grammar school pupils reported significantly more frequent and intense economic and school worries, secondary modern pupils significantly more imagination and health worries, and the only significant difference between the sexes was the tendency for grammar school girls to worry more frequently and intensely than grammar school boys.

Reviewed by: Shakespeare's Schoolroom: Rhetoric, Discipline, Emotion by Lynn Enterline Jayne Elisabeth Archer (bio) Lynn Enterline . Shakespeare's Schoolroom: Rhetoric, Discipline, Emotion. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012. Pp. 202. $45.00. Thanks to Ben Jonson, we all know about Shakespeare's "small Latin and less Greek" and the supposed deficiencies of his education. Shakespeare's Schoolroom refocuses our attention on the ways in which a grammar school education shaped the young playwright, not simply in terms of pedagogic practice—the aims and day-to-day methods of early modern education—but for the relationships through which it was conceptualized and achieved: rhetoric and the passions; imitation and punishment; and student and schoolmaster. In this work, Lynn Enterline re-examines the familiar ground of the classical training provided by grammar schools such as King Edward VI, Stratford-upon-Avon, and sheds new light on [End Page 271] the role of this educational system both in helping fashion early modern identity and in informing the language, characterization, and processes described in selected works by Shakespeare. Across the chapters of Shakespeare's Schoolroom, the assumption that early modern pedagogy helped inculcate social and moral values in an unproblematic and straightforward way is challenged, with the literary outputs of one of the products of that educational process—Shakespeare himself—used to test the validity of that claim. Enterline approaches the topic of early modern pedagogy through a consideration of its relationship with emotion and passion—or "affect" (19), as Enterline sometimes prefers to call it. The usual practice of situating emotion in the context of medical works and discourses is challenged: Enterline replaces medicine with rhetoric and traces the ways in which the particular use of words and language encouraged by humanist educators necessarily involved an experimentation with and performance of emotion. Her theoretical approach to the sticky topic of early modern emotions is informed by psychoanalytic theory, specifically Jean Laplanche's reading of Freud. In the first two chapters, "Rhetoric and the Passions in Shakespeare's Schoolroom" and "Imitate and Punish: The Theatricality of Everyday Life in Elizabethan Schoolrooms," this methodology and its implications are set out, and it is argued that Laplanche's model of nonnormative identity formation can help reveal the ways in which the early modern schoolroom drew on and played with the "theatricality of everyday life" (1). Imitatio, the keystone of humanist education, is performative by definition, and Enterline suggests that in being required to put themselves in the positions of classical, mythological, and historical individuals—women as well as men— schoolboys received an education in the language of the "eye, ear, hand, tongue, and heart" (4). The habit of experimenting with selves and voices instilled in early modern students what Enterline calls "habits of alterity" (7-8), which in turn resisted the students' assimilation into social hierarchies—the hierarchy of gender in particular. Other educational practices, such as translation and corporal punishment, it is argued, challenged, rather than reinforced, traditional gender roles and fractured, rather than bolstered, masculine identity. Perhaps most memorably, Bottom's "translation" in A Midsummer Night's Dream is reread as a parodic version of the "social, emotional, and bodily" transformations undergone by grammar school boys: "Read in light of the [grammar] school's announced goals, Bottom's translation...speaks to the school's carefully planned intervention in social reproduction" (6). Chapters 3, 4, and 5 examine selected plays and narrative poems by Shakespeare in order to tease out and scrutinize the impact of this educational method. Enterline's earlier work on Ovid (most notably The Rhetoric of the Body from Ovid to Shakespeare [Cambridge University Press, 2000]) is most influential [End Page 272] in the first of these three chapters, "The Art of Loving Mastery," on Venus and Adonis. Venus's relationship with Adonis is compared to that of master and student, and the Ovidian method of arguing both sides of a question ("cross-voicing" [88]) is used to argue that the eroticized figure of the schoolmaster could be one of maternal, rather than paternal, authority. Chapter 4, on The Taming of the Shrew, develops this meditation on the theme of "mastery," and considers its inflections through the play's various relationships...

IN THE BRIEF time available it is impossible to deal with such a large subject except in a series of birds-eye flashes. matter will be dealt with from the stand-point of the main duties of an A.F.D. in relation to young people. An A.F.D. has the statutory duty to examine young people on taking their first employment, every time they change employment and once a year up to the age of 18 if they remain in the same employment. If considered advisable the firm may be instructed to submit the young person for a special examination after a stated period of months or weeks. A.F.D. is required to satisfy himself that the conditions of work are suitable for the individual youngster. Notes for Guidance of A.F.D's, issued by the Ministry of Labour and National Service (Form 723: 1948), state: The examination is not intended to be one for the purpose of discovering defects with a view to remedy, although with the co-operation of the young person's own doctor much might be done in this direction. My own position as an A.F.D. is unusually fortunate in that in January 1952,1 became a parttime School Medical Officer and obtained the services of a secretary seconded from the Youth Employment Service. This has allowed free access to School Medical Records and the records of the Youth Employment Office. I have been much indebted to both services for friendly help and essential information not otherwise obtainable. In all medical work adequate records are of course essential and without secretarial- assistance my work would have been very greatly handicapped. In view of the most unsatisfactory position regarding the notification of young people for examination, secretarial assistance has been quite indispensable. With this help 95 per cent of potential examinations are made, while in the country as a whole the figure is about 60 per ceni. I see about 1,000 boys and 700 girls a year and make a total of about 2,000 medical examinations. main findings of the investigation into the problems of young people at work which I started • Given at a meeting of the London Group on 12th March, 1958. in March 1950, were published under the title Youth at Work First where do the young people in the factories come from? 11+ and 13+ examinations undoubtedly take the greater part of the intellectually able and those who are natural leaders among the youngsters. That is an important point to remember, because it may to some extent explain the finding of the Services as well as industry, that so many of the boys lack initiative and self-reliance. It is an interesting point that the boys meet again, often with valuable results, during National Service. girls remain apart. Few grammar school boys are seen and very few from the girls' high school or technical school. technical school boys form the elite among the apprentices. apprentice equivalent among the girls go into shops and offices. All the children before leaving school have had a brief encounter with the Youth Employment Officer but this by its very timing and duration makes any vocational guidance in the true sense of the word almost impossible. By this time the majority of boys and girls have decided, with the aid of friends and relations, more or less what they will try and often where they will start. Youth Employment Service is primarily of aid in placing and here gives much valuable assistance. Over the country as a whole there is apparently very little co-operation between the Y.E.S. and the A.F.D. In fact the Ince Report on which the present Y.E.S. is based did not even mention the A.F.D. medical information at the disposal of the Y.E.O. is gained from forms Y.9 or Y.10. Form Y.9 lists certain activities, lifting, standing etc. which the youngster should not do but gives no medical details. Form Y.10 can only be filled in with the signed permission of the parents and gives details of the disability. This procedure is usually the prelude to entry on the Disabled Register. Owing to the ease with which employment could be obtained in the last decade very few youngsters were put on the Disabled Register. 1 Max Parish: 1957. 146

Summary.— This paper is concerned with a new method for coding responses to the sentence completion test which makes it possible to use this projective technique for objective investigations of the attitudes of large samples. A description of the sentence completion test is given with illustrations of, and a discussion of the assumptions underlying, its use. The proposed coding method is described; each response is coded by two symbols, one representing the attitude expressed in it, and another standing for the object towards which the attitude has been expressed. After the responses have been coded in this manner, they can be treated statistically without much loss or distortion of their original meaning. The applicability of the coding method is demonstrated by an investigation into differences in attitudes between pupils of grammar and of secondary modern schools. Significant differences were obtained between the school groups, which indicated that grammar school boys are more ambitious and have less positive and more negative attitudes towards their environment than have secondary modern school boys. Some of the possible reasons for these differences were examined and excluded, others remain to be investigated. Problems connected with the prediction of manifest behaviour from test responses are discussed.

HIS PAPER reports on another aspect of the inquiry into the effects | of social class at adolescence, which has been carried out at the Lons don School of Economics and Political Science under the direction of Dr. H. T. Himmelweit. In an earlier paper [50 we have shown that the adolescent boys in our sample were aware of social class distinctions and had a surprisingly detailed knowledge of the social system in general. We now raise the further question: to what extent does this knowledge influence their patterns of friendship and hostility at school ? From previous writings, there is ample reason to suppose that, in the United States at any rate, there is a marked tendency towards clique formation among children of this age, and that parental socio-economic status determines admission to, or rejection by, such cliques. Warner [IO] states the problem clearly when he writes:

Summary. The study is concerned with the development of the perception of interpersonal relationships in grammar school boys. The responses of three different age groups to a relatively new projective test specifically oriented towards interpersonal relationships are compared, and the results indicate that during adolescence major changes occur in the perception of solitude, two‐person, three‐person and group situations. Although many of the changes are consistent with present theory, it is noted that a considerable proportion of the evidence relates either to controversial issues in adolescent development or to areas which have received little attention in the past.

AMONG the well-known anthropometric formulae due to Prof. Dreyer of Oxford (see Lancet, August 9, 1919, and NATURE, August 26, 1920), there is one connecting weight, W, with stem-length, or height of trunk alone,, namely, W = 0.3800·319. This gives a ratio of the type Wn/ = K, and is of special interest because, when dealing with averages of large numbers, it seems to show surprisingly little variation with age during the important adolescent period of life. To test it I used data relating to Manchester Grammar School boys, for which I am indebted to Dr. Mumford, Medical Officer of the School. The school measurements of height and weight have been taken on a uniform basis for about forty years; measurements of stem-length were taken in addition in 1921 and 1923. If the stem-length is replaced by the full height (H), and if 0·319 (n) is replaced by the approximate value " in Dreyer's formula, I find that the ratio is even less variable. Table 1 shows the values of W"/H, calculated from the mean values of W and H, for groups of boys varying in age from 9 to 19 years at three different periods of time. In the same table are shown, for comparison, calculations of the same ratio for Schuster's observations of undergraduates, and of W0·319/ for the Grammar School boys in 1921, 1923. Measurements were expressed in C.G.S. units, but significant figures only are printed.

Harper Lee Arrow Books Ltd, 50th Anniversary Edition, 2010, PB, 320pp, £8.99, 978-0099549482 Sacred Hunger, Barry Unsworth Penguin Books, 1993, PB, 640pp, £8.99, 978-0140119930 I grew up in the 1960s in a small country town imbued with a pervasive suspicion that the death of Queen Victoria may have been greatly exaggerated. Mind you, we experienced diversity in my school — there was a French boy called Andre. White, obviously. As children we sang unapologetically racist songs about the Italians and the Germans. Well, our fathers had won the war. So my adult life, like many white Brits of my age, has been a gradual journey towards a better understanding of human identity. Tolerance. Diversity. Celebration of difference within our common humanity. But perhaps it came as something of a shock that ‘Black Lives Matter’ was still a necessary mantra as we head towards the third decade of the 21st century. As a middle-class white liberal it has sometimes been hard for me to understand white privilege. My parents came from a working-class background, and as a grammar school boy …

Questionnaires administered in 1962 and 1966 have shown that there is a relationship between the social classes of occupations aspired to and actually achieved by grammar school boys. Anxiety seems to affect achievements but not aspirations.

A Grammar School Boy at William and Mary College