Abstract

This paper presents the results of a content analysis of 1000 personal profiles posted on a pro-anorexia (pro-ana) group from the social networking site Xanga. Applying methods of computer-mediated communication discourse analysis, the visual and verbal strategies of self-presentation in pro-ana members’ profiles were examined. Competence, ingratiation, exemplification and supplication emerged as the main self-presentation strategies identified in the text-based profiles. In contrast to other online self-presentations (such as personal home pages and weblogs), new contents and meanings related to a pro-ana social identity were assigned to these strategies in the group. The analysis of the profile pictures revealed that pro-ana users of the site tended to remain visually anonymous, resorting to images of models and celebrities, and reproducing the thin ideal. Based on these findings, this study advances some conclusions about how the pro-ana identity is constructed in social networking sites.

Highlights

  • The pro-anorexia movement represents one extreme example of a Web social movement that defies the dominant medical models of diagnosis and treatment of eating disorders (Borzekowski et al, 2010; Fox et al, 2006; Giles, 2006; Mulveen and Hepworth, 2006)

  • Applying the methodology of discourse and content analysis for new media, as developed by Herring (2004a) and (2004b), the purpose of the present study is to examine and identify the verbal and visual self-presentation strategies displayed by pro-ana members in their profiles on a popular social networking site (SNS) during the 2000s, called Xanga, that is no longer active

  • This study has shown that personal profiles in a pro-ana group on a popular SNS are a relevant setting to explore particular practices associated with identity work and selfpresentation strategies in the pro-ana community

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Summary

Introduction

The pro-anorexia (pro-ana) movement represents one extreme example of a Web social movement that defies the dominant medical models of diagnosis and treatment of eating disorders (Borzekowski et al, 2010; Fox et al, 2006; Giles, 2006; Mulveen and Hepworth, 2006). Popular pro-anorexia online discussion forums show: a) an active and selfsustained participation by their members (Fox et al, 2006; Mulveen and Hepworth, 2006); b) shared values, culture, purpose and norms (Fleming-May and Miller, 2010); c) different roles and hierarchies among their users (Giles, 2006); d) solidarity and mutual support among the members (e.g., Brotsky and Giles, 2007; Ranson et al, 2010; Rodgers et al, 2012); e) self-awareness of the group as being distinctive from other groups (e.g., Boero and Pascoe, 2012; Dias, 2003; Whitehead, 2010); f) and criticism and resolution of conflicts within the group Pro-ana members regard the online world as the only place where they can find acceptance and understanding of their practices and beliefs (Dias, 2003; Gavin et al, 2008)

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