Abstract
This study explores A-movement reconstruction and asserts that A-movement reconstructs as A’-movement does, providing semantic type-based accounts in accordance with semantic reconstruction proposed by Lechner (1998) and Ruys (2015). The current proposal is that quantificational subjects leave a higher type trace ,t> at any immediate landing site and an individual type trace at their theta-position. Based on this hypothesis, three sentences that show no reconstruction effects can be accounted for. The components in the three sentences such as negations, degree modifiers and non-neg-raising predicates induce weak island effects for higher type traces. As resumptive pronouns in island conditions, an individual type trace can obviate island effects, but a higher type trace ,t> cannot.
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