Abstract
The aim of this paper is twofold. First, it proposes a novel analysis of Vowel Reduction in Russian within the framework of Optimality Theory. Secondly, it discusses the opaque cases that result from the interaction of Vowel Reduction with other phonological processes, such as Glide Deletion and Retraction. The article demonstrates that Standard Optimality Theory, which evaluates output forms using one set of ranked constraints, cannot handle the Russian facts. It is argued that a modified version of Optimality Theory, Derivational Optimality Theory, can provide a straightforward account of the phenomena under consideration.
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