Abstract
We investigated whether brain potentials of grammatical aspect processing resemble semantic or morpho-syntactic processing, or whether they instead are characterized by an entirely distinct pattern in the same individuals. We studied aspect from the perspective of agreement between the temporal information in the context (temporal adverbials, e.g., Right now) and a morpho-syntactic marker of grammatical aspect (e.g., progressive is swimming). Participants read questions providing a temporal context that was progressive (What is Sophie doing in the pool right now?) or habitual (What does Sophie do in the pool every Monday?). Following a lead-in sentence context such as Right now, Sophie…, we measured event-related brain potentials (ERPs) time-locked to verb phrases in four different conditions, e.g., (a) is swimming (control); (b) ∗is cooking (semantic violation); (c) ∗are swimming (morpho-syntactic violation); or (d)?swims (aspect mismatch); …in the pool.” The collected ERPs show typical N400 and P600 effects for semantics and morpho-syntax, while aspect processing elicited an Early Negativity (250–350 ms). The aspect-related Negativity was short-lived and had a central scalp distribution with an anterior onset. This differentiates it not only from the semantic N400 effect, but also from the typical LAN (Left Anterior Negativity), that is frequently reported for various types of agreement processing. Moreover, aspect processing did not show a clear P600 modulation. We argue that the specific context for each item in this experiment provided a trigger for agreement checking with temporal information encoded on the verb, i.e., morphological aspect marking. The aspect-related Negativity obtained for aspect agreement mismatches reflects a violated expectation concerning verbal inflection (in the example above, the expected verb phrase was Sophie is X-ing rather than Sophie X-s in condition d). The absence of an additional P600 for aspect processing suggests that the mismatch did not require additional reintegration or processing costs. This is consistent with participants’ post hoc grammaticality judgements of the same sentences, which overall show a high acceptability of aspect mismatch sentences.
Highlights
When we tell others about events or actions taking place, we usually express where they happened and to whom, and when they occurred
We compared aspect processing to semantic processing and to number agreement processing in one and the same group of English-speaking participants
On the basis of previous literature, aspect processing was hypothesized to elicit an effect with a specific scalp topography in the Early Negativity time window, i.e., a LAN
Summary
When we tell others about events or actions taking place, we usually express where they happened and to whom, and when they occurred. Speakers may need to use grammatical markers of tense to indicate whether the event took place in the past or is taking place in the present. Speakers must specify whether an event has just begun, is in progression, has reached a state of completion, or involves an instance of a recurring action, for example. The temporal contours of an event are marked by what we call grammatical aspect. In some languages (e.g., Russian, English) but not in others (German, Swedish), grammatical aspect involves morphological marking on the main lexical verb in a sentence through affixes or periphrastic constructions, e.g., progressive aspect in English: he is cooking
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