Review: The Vital Triangle

Abstract

THE VITAL TRIANGLE China, the United States, and the Middle East Jon B. Alterman and John W. Garver Washington, DC: Center for Strategie and International Studies, 2006. 152pp. US$16.95 PaPer (ISBN 978-0-89206-529-5)Though America is the superpower patron in the Middle East, China has been playing an increasingly visible role in the region. America, China, and the Middle Eastern states all share various relations and commercial ties, from security guarantees to textiles to weapons. However, energy security is increasingly becoming a top priority for and Beijing. America and China are the world's first and second largest energy consumers respectively and their demands for energy are expected to continue to increase for the foreseeable future. Since both countries' domestic supplies are insufficient to satisfy their growing demands, they are driven to seek external sources of energy. However, external supplies of energy are finite; the acquisition of an energy source by one state will necessarily come at the expense of the other state. This energy security competition has the potential to become a source of conflict. Disagreements over military invasion, nuclear proliferation, and arms sales exacerbate an environment that is already potentially explosive. It is in this context that authors Jon B. Alterman and John W Garver have written The Vital Triangle.The central argument of the book is that relations between any two sides of the America- China- Middle East triangle can affect the other side. This, in turn, can affect the triangle as a whole. China's aim in the Middle East is to develop relations with all states, whether friendly or unfriendly to the US. However, it must do so without aggravating S ino- American relations.China's ties with Middle Eastern states hostile to America have potentially serious implications for regional security in particular and the ChinaUS relationship in general. However, because Beijing views good relations with as essential to its continued growth, it must play a by [attempting] to expand multidimensional cooperation with Middle Eastern countries while maintaining good relations with Washington (n). For instance, in 1997, China announced a major contract with Iraq to develop its second largest oil field for the next 22 years once UN sanctions ended. The authors describe the delicate way in which Beijing procured Iraqi oil without aggravating S ino- American relations. Despite the spectre of a US-led invasion of Iraq and potential voiding of China's energy contracts, Beijing played this balancing act again. As the authors note, China explicitly and repeatedly expressed disapproval of U.S. war plans, but China's statements of opposition during Security Council were less sharp, far less verbose, and less frequent and came later in the debates (29). (How the authors were able to measure the sharpness and verbosity of statements of opposition is unclear.)Perhaps the most significant relationship China has established is with Iran. The authors provide a thorough overview of the energy contracts, arms sales, and missile and nuclear cooperation between Beijing and Tehran. America views these dealings as particularly troublesome because they undermine its counterproliferation efforts, sanctions, and overall efforts to isolate the regime. And yet, even here China plays its balancing act. With regards to Iran's nuclear program, the authors discuss how, despite initial reluctance, Beijing has supported sanctions against Iran. …