Abstract

MITTERRAND, THE END OF THE COLD WAR, AND GERMAN UNIFICATION Frederic Bozo New York: Berghahn Books, 2009. 417 pp, US$110. 00 hardback ISBN 978-1-84545-427-2As first socialist president of Fifth Republic, Francois Mitterrand, who died after two full terms (14 years) in office undoubtedly deserves to be considered France's most important post-1945 political leader after Charles de Gaulle. From a broader historical perspective, Mitterrand was also an active participant in French political life from 1940s to end ofthe Cold War. He reflected many ofthe idiosyncrasies and ambiguities ofthe period. His participation in Vichy government during war, for example, was at odds with his claim of being an early resistant against Nazi occupation. His reputation as a socialist reformer did not match his centrist economic policies or his anti- Soviet stance during Euromissile crisis ofthe early 1980s. No wonder many considered him to be an enigma, one of his common nicknames being the Sphinx. As such, Mitterrand wul remain a complex and controversial figure despite his personal wish to leave a positive mark on history. One ofthe most scathing criticisms his supporters have to face is Mitterrand badly flubbed his exit from world stage when Berlin waU came down in October 1989. For many researchers, French as weU as foreign, events of 1989-90 caught Mitterrand short. Worse yet, it is often said French diplomacy tried to slow down or even stop German unification. Is this true? Should image of Mitterrand as champion of European integration be replaced by much less flattering picture of a man haunted by past and anxious to avoid rebirth of a unified Germany?Frederic Bozo, professor at University of Paris Ili-Sorbonne NouveUe, where he teaches contemporary history and international relations, and senior research associate at prestigious Institut Francais de Relations Internationales, where he focuses on Atlantic and European security issues, revisits these questions by taking advantage ofthe considerable amount of new material has come available to researchers since early 1990s. Bozo gained extensive access to several important archival resources, namely archives ofthe French presidency, diplomatic archives ofthe Quai d'Orsay, and several personal archives owned by former officials close to president. His stated aim is to offer a scientific investigation that can overcome sterile division between a literature is systematically hostile [to Mitterrand], due either to methodological bias or ulterior motives and works on contrary are committed to defending... Mitterrand' s policies but do not pass test of scholarship (xv). These are, of course, fighting words, and Bozo might best have avoided using them. Belittling most of literature published on an issue before one's own work arrives on scene is not healthy in academic world. Not only does it look selfserving, but it also sets reader's expectations rather high.Does Bozo deliver on his promise? The present reviewer, although not an expert on Mitterrand presidency, would tend to answer in affirmative. This is a painstakingly researched book, clearly structured, methodologically sound, and pleasant to read despite fact it is a translation. …

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