Abstract

This article considers cousin marriage rules among affines in rural Chinese culture, based on research in Hubei Province. After close evaluation of some of the existing studies, it concludes that arguments based on the Levi-Strauss model of generalized have not proven to be satisfactory. A patrilineal perspective more adequately clarifies the reasons for the disapproval of FZD marriage and informs the basic principle underlying all patterns of cousin marriage. (Rural China, cousin marriage, patrlineal perspective, general exchange) ********** Studies during the last several decades have proposed different explanations of cousin marriage among Chinese, but none provides an accurate and comprehensive principle to explain the rules that guide the selection of marriage partners among relatives in rural Chinese society. This article offers a solution to this impasse in suggesting that the principles of Chinese kinship are grounded in patrilineal descent, which has a vital function in political and economic areas, as well as in ritual observances and other activities related to ancestor worship. Thus a study of patrilineal consanguinity offers a more solid basis than previous attempts for explaining comprehensively and accurately certain types of marriage among Chinese. Although much has been done concerning patterns of Chinese marriages, more in-depth studies of the Chinese kinship system are needed to fully explain them. This is attempted here by drawing on previous studies and incorporating my research. COUSIN MARRIAGE AND CHINESE KINSHIP For the Chinese, qinqi (affines) are relationships created through marriage, and are sharply distinguished from members of one's own lineage. In the kinship terminology, patrilateral parallel cousins are tang (FBS and FBD), but all patrilateral cross-cousins, matrilateral cross-cousins, and matrilateral parallel cousins are biao (remote) relatives for Ego, male or female. Marriage within the lineage, especially FBD marriage, is treated like marriage between kin and tantamount to sibling marriage. Because this type of marriage is strictly forbidden, both in custom and in law, it does not need attention here. (2) But marriages between other types of first cousins are regarded quite differently. FZD, MBD, and MZD marriages for a male ego have usually been referred to as biao or zhong-biao (outside) marriages. Although the marriage rules that prevailed during the dynastic era of China's history generally tolerated such marriages (Li 1950:99-100), they have been prohibited for genetic reasons in both mainland China and Taiwan since the 1980s (Tao, Wang, and Ge 1988:313; Liang 1995:14). In practice, however, this type of marriage continues in a great many villages (Wu, Yang, and Wang 1990:330). Previous research indicates considerable regional variation in attitudes and preferences related to biao marriages. For example, in both Kaixiangong Village in Jiangsu Province, where Fei (1939) did fieldwork, and Phoenix Village in Guangdong Province, which Kulp (1925) studied, MBD marriage was preferred and FZD marriage frowned upon (Fei 1939:50-51; Kulp 1925:168). According to Hsu (1945:91), the people of West Town in Yunnan Province favored MBD marriage, tolerated MZD marriage, but disapproved of FZD marriage. On the basis of his fieldwork and that of Fei and Kulp, Hsu (1945:100) makes the generalization that MBD marriage is preferred all over China, whereas in most regions FZD marriage is not. Levi-Strauss (1969) and Leach (1961), relying heavily on the work of Hsu, place China in an axis of generalized exchange and the category of societies where MBD marriage is frequent (Levi-Strauss 1969:351-58; Leach 1961:74-76). Most arguments have been based on the Levi-Strauss model of generalized of women through MBD marriage. As Suenari (1985:315) has commented, If this cross-cousin marriage were always preferable, wives would always be received from the same group and the women in one's own patrilineal group would always be given to the same group; a fixed network would be established through of women between patrilineal groups. …

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