Abstract

We welcome the comments of Richards and Snipp and appreciate the opportunity to clarify and expand on several issues raised by the reviewers of the Antell, Blevins, and Jensen paper on Indian casino gambling. We are in complete agreement with both commentors about the need for additional social science research into the benefits and costs, both social and economic, of American Indian casino gambling--a widespread, complicated, and often misunderstood aspect of contemporary American Indian history. We agree with Richards about the need for research that examines the long-term gains and losses from this industry, but given the relatively recent enactment of IGRA (1988) and the actual opening of Indian casinos (1991) we are probably only now in the position of examining the long term costs and/or benefits of the gambling industry on Indian and non-Indian communities. Glossed over in Richards' comments is the necessity for tribal approval of and participation in such studies: we note at least one such study (Anders, 1996) that began with enthusiastic tribal support, which soon dissolved. On the other hand, a recent review of materials written on American Indian gambling since we submitted our article two years ago reveals work on the pathologies (as suggested by Richards and Snipp) and additional work on the economics, including revenues and re-investment of gambling revenues (National Indian Gaming Association, 2000). Given the fact that Indian casino gambling is now approaching a $9 billion industry that employs more than 250,000 workers, this new scholarship is both needed and timely and we hope that our work will stimulate additional researchers to investigate this topic. Both reviewers note that while American Indian gambling is pervasive and involves a fluctuating 175 or more tribes and probably somewhere around 275 casinos (numbers shift monthly), not all tribes have found casino gambling to be a cash cow. We argue that Indian gambling is not a panacea for the economic and community woes confronted by Indian tribes in the United States. We cite a U.S. GAO report (1997) that found only eight tribes accounted for more than 40 percent of all gaming revenues. Furthermore, we note that a number of Indian casinos, particularly those with limited access either to a metropolitan market or to interstate or high-volume automobile traffic, have gone into bankruptcy or else are operating on the margins of economic viability. (1) Our paper observes that the Pequot's Foxwoods Resort Casino, located ideally on the New York City-Boston corridor, fits both of these conditions and that they were among the first to acquire casino gambling in the East outside of Atlantic City. As noted by Richards (through Bee, 1999) and ourselves, the Pequot's success has been shared with other tribes through the creations of the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center and through their generous support of the annual green corn festival as well as the millions of dollars they contribute to tribes across the United States. (2) We agree completely with Snipp's observation regarding the potential economic/employment (reduced welfare roles and demand on public services) benefits to local non-Indian communities from Indian casino gambling, yet the resistance, particularly by both local and state governments, to the expansion of Indian casino gambling (see Richards' comments regarding the Pequot proposed amusement park) seems pervasive. Our paper suggests several possibilities for this ironic contradiction. First, as noted by both reviewers, the costs, particularly social-psychological pathologies, are difficult to quantify. This issue is an obvious subject for additional research, a point emphasized in the National Gaming Impact Study Commission (1999). Second, there appears to be some social/moral opposition to gambling, whether Indian or non-Indian. Third, as we suggest in our paper, some states are in direct competition with Indian casinos for the gambling dollars through their sponsorship of state lotteries. …

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