Residents’ support for red tourism in China: The moderating effect of central government

When people say that they trust local authorities, is it simply because they have generalized trust in national government? Or is trust in local government rooted in distinctive considerations, connected to the character of local communities and the balance of power across levels of government? We explore how trust in local and national government differs across individuals and across countries in western Europe. We find that people trust local government for different reasons than those that drive trust in national government. Cross-national differences in levels of trust in government reflect the character of national institutions. While both proportional representation systems and federal systems are power-sharing designs, each has distinctive consequences for trust. When opportunities for voice in local government are high, as in decentralized systems, people report greater trust in local government. When opportunities for voice in national government are limited, as in majoritarian systems, people report lower trust for national government and higher trust in local government.

Since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, special attention has been paid to public management reforms and good governance values in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. This study analyzes how citizen satisfaction with good governance values, government performance, and empowered citizenship affect public trust in government in these countries. The analysis is based on the Asia Barometer Survey data 2007. The study found that citizens' satisfaction with good governance values and perceived government performance in dealing with the economy and political corruption best explain the variation in trust in government among these countries. The variances in trust in central and local governments in Malaysia and Indonesia are best explained by citizen satisfaction with good governance values. Citizen satisfaction with good governance values is significantly associated with trust in local government only in Thailand. The study also finds that perceived government performance in the economy is significantly associated with trust in central governments in Malaysia and Thailand. Meanwhile, government performance in dealing with political corruption, quality of service, and government officials’ attention to citizen input are positively associated with trust in government in Thailand. Citizens who agree that there is wide spread corruption among those who govern the country expressed a low level of trust in government in Indonesia and Thailand. The study findings support that an approach comparing different countries can enhance our understanding of the complexity of and variations of the factors affecting public trust in government in different civil societies.

Several studies have found that trust in government is associated with social fairness, citizens’ satisfaction with public service, and life satisfaction. This study aimed to investigate the serial mediation effects of social security satisfaction and life satisfaction on the association between social security fairness and trust in government. We analyzed the data from the Chinese Social Survey in 2019 (n = 7403) to examine the serial mediation effects. The findings showed that the higher the level of government, the greater the trust it enjoyed from its citizens. The direct prediction of trust by social security fairness was stronger at the county and township levels than at the central government level. Both social security satisfaction and life satisfaction partially mediated the relationship between social security fairness and overall trust in government. Social security fairness indirectly positively predicted trust in local government at the county and township levels through social security satisfaction, life satisfaction, and their serial mediation. While social security fairness could only indirectly predict trust in central government through social security satisfaction, the prediction of trust in central government via life satisfaction (mediator) was not significant. We observed a serial mediation model in which social security fairness positively predicted trust in government directly and indirectly through social security satisfaction and life satisfaction. The finding that social security satisfaction partially mediates the relationship between perceptions of fairness in the social security system and trust in government has implications for improving policies and the functioning of the system at all levels of the government.

본 연구는 Hirschman(1970)이 제시한 세 가지 정책반응행태를 적용하여 일반 국민이 지니고 있는정부 신뢰수준과 원자력 발전정책에 대한 반응행태를 분석하였다. 분석 결과 첫째, 항의는 다양한인구통계 요인에 의해 차이가 발생하는 것에 비해, 이탈과 충성은 차이를 발생시키는 요인이 단순하다. 둘째, 정부 신뢰수준이 높은 집단과 낮은 집단 모두에서 다양한 반응행태가 나타나며, 중앙정부보다 지방정부 신뢰수준에 따라 반응행태의 차이가 더욱 명확하게 드러났다. 셋째, 위험인식 수준이 높은 집단은 이탈이 높은 반면, 위험인식 수준이 낮은 집단은 항의가 높다. 마지막으로, 정부 신뢰수준이 높을수록 이탈이 감소하고 충성이 증가한다. 특히 지방정부 신뢰수준은 이탈과 충성을 결정하는 중요한 요인이다. 본 연구는 주민들이 현 거주지를 이탈할 가능성과 그렇지 않고 충성할 가능성에 지방정부에 대한 신뢰가 결정적 역할을 할 수 있음을 시사한다.This study analyzed public trust in government and public response to nuclear energy policy in Korea, applying Hirschman’s exit-voice-loyalty (EVL) model. Especially, in order to complement the limitation of the existing studies, we considered trust in central government and local government separately. The results are as follows. First, various demographic variables affect positive perception on the degree of ‘Voice’, while the degrees of ‘Exit’ and ‘Loyalty’ are influenced by simple factors. Second, the possibility of ‘Exit’ was highest in the group of high-risk perception, while the highest possibility of ‘Voice’ was found in the group of low-risk perception. Lastly, the higher level of public trust in government, the lower possibility of ‘Exit’ and the higher possibility of ‘Loyalty’. In particular, we found that trust in local government is the core determinant of both ‘Exit’ and ‘Loyalty’ behaviors.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the effect of polarisation on trust in government.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use the ordered probit technique to model trust as a function of polarisation and various control variables. The authors apply the instrumental variables approach to address potential endogeneity in polarisation, using ethnic diversity as an instrument.FindingsThe results reveal that an increase in polarisation reduces trust in central government. However, trust in local government is non-responsive to this polarisation. The estimations controlled for government performance, and the authors found a positive association between government performance and trust in government, which, however, does not alter the relationship between polarisation and trust in government.Practical implicationsIn ethnically polarised nations, policymakers should consider decentralisation measures. This can help sustain trust and development support, particularly in regions where citizens prioritise ethnicity over nationality.Social implicationsThe social implications of this research underscore the importance of promoting trust in government to foster social cohesion and stability, particularly in ethnically diverse societies.Originality/valueThe authors find that increased ethnic polarisation reduces trust in the central government, particularly among those prioritising their ethnicity over nationality. This adds a non-performance dimension to government trust literature, suggesting that policies focusing solely on performance may yield limited results. The research extends beyond central government trust to include local governments. Unlike central government, local government trust remains tied to performance attributes unaffected by polarisation. Hence, investing resources through local governments is a viable strategy for enhancing citizen support while mitigating polarisation’s adverse effects.

The article considers the place and role of public trust in the functioning of public sector institutions. Trust in government is a multi-conceptual category, which is based on a combination of economic, social, and political interactions between government authorities at different levels and citizens. The authors of the article propose to conduct an epistemological study of trust in government at three main (micro-, meso-, macro-) and intermediate levels. At the micro-level, it is proposed to determine trust based on the results of economic agents' cooperation with public authorities through the provision of public services. At the meso level, trust in the government is defined by the competence of central government agencies that formulate and implement public policy in the relevant field, to solve economic and social problems of society, as well as their ability to generate positive expectations for citizens future well-being. At the macro level, trust in the government is derived from the economic efficiency of the "whole government." The authors propose to consider the intermediate level as trust in local governments, which is determined by both the quality of public services and the efficiency of public administration. It was shown that trust in the institutions of the public sector of the economy could not be formed separately from the personal characteristics of its Chairman or head. In the historical context of the development of Ukraine's statehood, systematic events related to corruption in the management of the public institution that receives wide media coverage have led to systemic distrust of economic actors towards public sector institutions and the state as a whole. The authors found that certain levels of trust in government interact, and therefore, the erosion of trust at one level can affect trust at others, which, accordingly, leads to a deterioration in the results of public policy in general. Strengthening trust at one level due to the synergetic effect will help strengthen trust in government in general. The article also shows that trust in government institutions and the government in general reduces the risk of opportunistic behavior and, consequently, can push society to give preference to long-term results of public policy over short-term benefits.

Distrust in government among people of color is a response to generations of systemic racism that have produced preventable health inequities. Higher levels of trust in government are associated with better adherence to government guidelines and policies during emergencies, but factors associated with trust and potential actions to increase trust in local government are not well understood. The COVID-19 Community Recovery study sampled participants from the New York City (NYC) Department of Health and Mental Hygiene's NYC Health Panel, a probability-based survey panel who complete health surveys periodically. Participants who lived in one of three historically disinvested communities in NYC where the NYC Department of Health and Mental Hygiene has dedicated resources to reduce health inequities were included. The cross-sectional survey was fielded from September 30 to November 4, 2021 and could be self-administered online or conducted via CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) in English, Spanish, and Simplified Chinese (Mandarin and Cantonese by phone). Demographic data were summarized by descriptive statistics. Crude and adjusted logistic regression analyses were used to assess factors predictive of trust in local government as a source of information about COVID-19 vaccines. Open-ended responses about strengthening residents' trust in local government were coded using an iteratively generated codebook. In total, 46% of respondents indicated NYC local government was a trusted source of information about COVID-19 vaccines, relatively high compared to other sources. In bivariate analyses, race/ethnicity, age group, educational attainment, length of time living in NYC, and household income were significantly associated with identifying NYC government as a trusted source of information about COVID-19 vaccines. In multivariable logistic regression, no variables remained significant predictors of selecting local government as a trusted source of information. Key recommendations for local government agencies to build residents' trust include communicating clearly and honestly, addressing socioeconomic challenges, and enhancing public COVID-19 protection measures. Study findings demonstrate that nearly half of residents in three historically divested NYC communities consider local government to be a trusted source of information about COVID-19 vaccines. Strategies to increase trust in local government can help reduce community transmission of COVID-19 and protect public health.

Citizens’ trust in government and other people is crucial to their perceptions of social risks. In this study, we examine the effects of institutional and social trust on citizens’ risk perceptions. Our analysis of a 2013 national survey conducted in 30 provincial capitals in China reveals that risk perceptions focus on two factors: public emergencies (e.g., traffic accidents) and public health threats (e.g., food safety). We found that only citizens’ trust in central government was significantly negatively correlated with perceived emergencies, while trust in local government was marginally positively correlated with perceived emergencies. Social trust was not correlated with perceived emergencies, and none of the three trust variables was significantly correlated with perceived health threats. Our results revealed that the demographic variables gender, age, education, media exposure, and religious belief are all relevant for citizens’ risk perceptions.

Although there is a consensus that mass media play an important role in the rise and fall of political trust in Western democracies, existing research on media use and political trust in China achieved relatively inconclusive findings. By using two surveys conducted in China in 2013 and 2018, we examine the effects of media use, including traditional media, social media, and foreign media, on Chinese citizens’ trust in their central and local governments. Our research shows that traditional media usage such as watching TV and reading newspapers is positively associated with citizens’ trust in the central government but is not related to their trust in local governments. Social media usage is negatively associated with trust in local governments but not with trust in the central government. Using VPNs to access foreign media is negatively associated with Chinese citizens’ trust in the central government but does not affect their trust in local governments. We explain why different types of media have such contrasting effects on political trust in central versus local Chinese governments and discuss the theoretical and empirical implications of these findings.

Individual and community social capital have had a significant impact on the gap between trust in higher-level governments and trust in local governments. A model including data from thirty villages gathered after the Wenchuan earthquake discovered that “the size of the Spring Festival (Chinese New Year) greeting network,” “the size of the official network at/ above township level,” and “trust in fellow villagers” all had a considerable negative effect on the gap between trust in higher-level and local governments. Building individual and community social capital is conducive to establishing a balance between trust in different layers of government; individuals and communities who cooperate with each other have more channels for solving their economic and livelihood issues. Social capital can lead to a significant improvement in the effectiveness of resource matching and utilization involving governments and other sectors of society as well as increasing interaction with government. This can enhance trust in local governments and narrow the gap between trust in higher-level and local governments.

The rapid spread of the internet in rural China in the 21st century has fundamentally reshaped the operation of the Chinese rural political system in ways that are at least as profound as television half a century ago. This study used the data of 8754 farmers from 2018 China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) in China to examine and provide empirical evidence on how internet use affects farmers' trust in local government via a chain-mediation model. The results indicate that internet use erodes farmers' trust in local government. Internet use is more likely to cause young and highly educated farmers to lose trust in local government. Both views on people's livelihood problems and government performance evaluations play mediating roles between internet use and farmers' trust in local government. Further, we also found that the negative direct impact of internet use on farmers' trust in local government is also serial mediated by views on people's livelihood problems and government performance evaluations. The results expand the research on the factors influencing trust in government.

The level of public trust is intricately linked with effectiveness of local governance. The good governance theory stresses that principles of accountability, transparency, and responsiveness impact the government performance. Responsiveness in particular is crucial in building people’s trust in their respective government. The research aims to quantitatively investigate the association of the Perceived Responsiveness and Public Trust in government among the residents of Islamabad. A cross-sectional study design was employed using a structured survey questionnaire. It was distributed in online and physical formats among 373 participants using convenience-based sampling technique. A five-point Likert scale was used to measure the Perceived Responsiveness and Public Trust in government. The instruments for both variables were adapted and the reliability of the scale was checked in a pilot study. Data were analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation and Regression analysis was conducted to test the predictive power of Perceived Responsiveness on Trust in Government in the study. The findings revealed a significant positive correlation between Perceived Responsiveness and Public Trust in Local Government (r= 0.709, p< 0.01). The regression analysis indicate that perceived responsiveness is a strong predictor of Public Trust in Local Government institutions. (β = 0.709, p < 0.001). The results of the study support the theoretical assertions that perceived responsiveness is a significant determinant of public trust in local government. Authorities who respond timely and effectively to citizen’s demands enjoy higher degree of public trust in them.

Trust in government and its antecedents and development remain leading policy and research concerns. Drawing on a broadly representative online survey of 3100 respondents in Japan, we examine measures of trust in three local government actors. We find political participation is not associated with trust in local government, contrary to our expectations. Civic participation is associated with trust in the mayor, but not councillors or administrators. Satisfaction with services provided by local government, and positive perceptions of policy process, are associated with trust, with interactions suggesting process is the stronger antecedent. To develop greater trust in local government, it is important that public sector actors exhibit respect for rights and follow procedure, laws, and regulations, as well as deliver positive outcomes. Points for practitioners Building trust in government remains a key concern for policy makers, as it is related to successful adoption of policies. Trust in local government in Japan is related to perceived performance and citizen satisfaction. Civic participation is also related to some forms of trust in government. However, possibly more important are citizen perceptions that policy processes respect rights, procedures, and laws. To increase trust in government, practitioners need to practice, and show that they practice, good processes in developing and delivering policy, and show that policy leads to better perceived outcomes.

Prior research has indicated that the election of a black mayor is accompanied by increased trust in local government on the part of the black electorate. The authors explore contextual effects of the crime and drug epidemic on black trust in local black government. They draw on seven public opinion surveys of citizens of New Orleans, a black empowerment area, conducted between 1985 and 1994. Black confidence in local black government declined during that period, partially as a result of rising crime and the declining quality of urban life. Models of trust in government and the future of black empowerment are discussed.

To date, many developing countries have continued to implement fiscally decentralized governance systems to respond to the diversified needs of local residents more effectively and to better act in line with the public interest. However, little is known about the fiscal decentralization–trust link. Focusing empirically on the South Korean case, this study examines how financially decentralized governance might increase government trustworthiness not just at the national level, but also at the local level. The results of multilevel regression and panel data analyses partly confirm the results of pro-fiscal decentralization studies in that the growth of local fiscal autonomy is positively and significantly related to public trust in government. Specifically, we find that as fiscal decentralization improves, levels of trust in local government also rise. In addition, our findings show that in terms of having higher levels of public trust in government, the impact of revenue decentralization tends to be greater than that of expenditure decentralization. This evidence implies that allowing local governments to have their own revenue sources rather than expenditure autonomy can be a way to better respond to people’s needs in the long run. Points for practitioners First, as fiscal decentralization improves, levels of trust in local government also rise. Second, allowing local governments to have their own revenue sources rather than expenditure autonomy can be a way to better respond to people’s needs in the long run. Third, government policies should aim to provide benefits to citizens for their own sake, such as by exercising effective delivery or improving the quality of public services and programs that are likely to be viewed positively by constituents. This could encourage citizens to engage with the current public-sector spheres in ways that affect their confidence and expectations of government policies and bureaucrats in a positive manner.