Resettling the West Bank Settlers

Abstract

In countering view that Israeli- Palestinian conflict is intractable, Israeli writer Amos Oz has famously described it as one over estate.1 Surely he was applying a clever riff on basic concept of territory - on which so much of geopolitics rests. And in part there is simple question of urban sprawl, where homes in settlements cost one third or even one quarter of what an equivalent- sized house or apartment would run in Israel's urban centres.2 But it is also broader and deeper. In invoking importance ofhow public space is conceived, real estate metaphor fills in an important part of story between reaching an agreement at bargaining table and eventually having to ratify it at home. This becomes clear as we consider long history of breakdowns in Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. Part of explanation is failure of each side to let go of maximalist positions out of fear of alienating segments of their domestic support base. In case of Israel, government's inability to deal effectively with Jewish settlements in West Bank is among thorniest problems.3The Israeli government has no choice but to account for demands of settler population. They number in hundreds of thousands; have sympathizers among broader population, including state leaders; and themselves occupy decision-making positions in civil service and Israeli armed forces.4 Without understanding dynamics of settler identity, observers cannot provide workable ideas for inching Israelis and Palestinians toward a final agreement.Thinking about how collective identity influences view of public space, this article starts from assumption that, while it is certainly not inevitable, a two-state solution is most likely arrangement on which both sides will reach agreement.5 It follows that to make way for a likely Palestinian state in West Bank, Israeli government will have to move tens of thousands of settlers across green line into Israel.6 Though there are 500,000 settlers in West Bank (including 200,000 who reside in and around east Jerusalem), conventional wisdom - based on past negotiations and on Israeli red lines regarding largest settlements - suggests that only about 70,000 settlers will be made to move in event of a final agreement,7 though some recommendations argue for a range of 100,000 to 120, ooo.8 The remaining settlement blocs will likely be annexed to Israel in return for negotiated land swaps.9But Israel's last foray into relocating a settler population still haunts country. Prior to 2005 Gaza withdrawal, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon told an Israeli parliamentary committee that the fate of Netzarim [a small settlement in Gaza Strip] is fate of Tel Aviv.10 In event, 8000 Gaza settlers felt abandoned to subpar housing options and lacklustre employment opportunities inside Israel.With lingering ill-will from Gaza evacuation, it can be assumed that in event of a large-scale disengagement, Israeli government will present West Bank settlers with strong economic incentive packages. But in context of a peace agreement, and to allow for Israel's successful implementation of it, government will have to get maximum buy-in from settlers in what wul no doubt be a politically, socially, and emotionally painful process of relocation. After cheque is cashed, settlers will have to feel that they can live meaningful lives on other side of green line, lives that connect with their well-entrenched identities as frontier Zionists. Without such guarantees, government will simply be unable to generate enough legitimacy from this crucial sector of population.Focusing on identity as a key factor in dealing with settlers suggests recasting of territorial attachment. If stuff of identity is as symbolic and imaginary as it is physical and concrete, there is room for Israeli government to highlight new symbols and images with which settlers can connect. …