Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 by Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins

Abstract

Reviewed by: Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 by Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins Edward O. Frantz Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968. By Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins. (New York and other cities: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xvi, 363. Paper, $34.99, ISBN 978-1-316-61092-3; cloth, $99.99, ISBN 978-1-107-15843-6.) An ambitiously conceived project, Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 is an attempt by political scientists Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins to answer a vexing question. Given that the Republican Party won zero electoral votes in states of the former Confederacy for ten straight presidential elections starting in 1880, the authors ask, why would the Grand Old Party even bother to try? The answer, provided through charts, graphs, and historiographical overviews, is directly linked to race. This provocatively argued book contains a wealth of information that political historians will find quite useful. In attempting to answer their question, Heersink and Jenkins observe one central reason the Republicans kept attempting to field a party in the South: that the states of the former Confederacy played a vital role in quadrennial national conventions. Perceptive candidates recognized that securing the commitment from southern delegations could be key to winning a nomination. William McKinley's campaign manager, Mark Hanna, for instance, even rented a home in Thomasville, Georgia, in 1895 in order to solidify McKinley's southern support for the following year's presidential election. [End Page 532] Whereas some of the terrain regarding presidents and their various southern strategies had been familiar to an earlier generation of historians writing in the 1960s, Heersink and Jenkins's creation of a "Whiteness Index" breaks entirely new ground (p. 41). Synthesizing a variety of data points, the authors demonstrate quite clearly that "a whitening of the party—by moving toward Lily-Whiteism—produced a significant vote gain for the GOP after disfranchisement" (p. 51). Those who hoped to make their party exclusively white found themselves pitted against groups typically labeled "Black-and-Tan," as those versed in the politics of the late nineteenth century will recall (p. xiv). The authors tell the story of the battle for the soul of the party in clinical, practical terms, leaving aside the symbolism and social meanings that many ascribed to political practice. In order to cover their topic with necessary breadth and depth, Heersink and Jenkins divide the book into two discrete parts. After an introduction stating the problem and their methodology and a chapter explaining some preliminaries, the first part is further divided into four stages, each focusing on nationallevel Republican Party politics between 1865 and 1968. This part relies heavily on existing historical interpretations, and the authors do an admirable job of synthesizing much of the extant historiography. The second part, which focuses on state-level politics, groups states into categories based on their degree of racial exclusion. In so doing, the authors hope to demonstrate the myriad paths that southern political actors pursued as they reshaped the Republican Party. For a work so vast in size, scope, and detail, Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865–1968 is both thorough and at turns surprisingly vague to historians who happen to know the contours of these stories. The list of names, factions, and plots, all of which were filled with intrigue, alleged scandal, and partisan infighting, may overwhelm those not already versed in some of the drama. The authors also miss an opportunity to comment on the symbolism of African American officeholders, thereby robbing their argument of even more strength. Most trenchantly, the move toward Lily-Whiteism often seems both desirable and logical on behalf of southern Republicans. The authors acknowledge that this shift came at the cost of the African American constituents but often choose not to show just how painful and tragic this reality could be. Taken as a whole, Heersink and Jenkins's study is incredibly important. It will help those wishing to understand how and why the Party of Lincoln became the Party of Trump. Edward O. Frantz University of Indianapolis Copyright © 2021 Southern Historical Association