Abstract

This article reconsiders the nature and representation of the moraic nasal <N> in Japanese dialects, which is largely assumed to be a consonantal mora (Ito 1987, Vance 2008, Labrune 2008) or a variable segment (Yoshida S. 1996, 2003; Yoshida Y. 1999). I examine phonological processes and phonetic descriptions of the Tōkyō, Ōsaka and Kagoshima varieties of Japanese and show that previous representations do not capture all of the facts. I propose that N is best represented variously as a nasal consonant, a syllabic nasal or a nasal vowel depending on the dialect. I frame this account within the theory of Strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996) and I present new representations for N, taking into account segmental and prosodic behaviour of this segment. The overarching contribution is an analysis where the tonal status of N in Japanese dialects is directly derived from the status of nuclear positions that N is associated to or adjacent to, without reference to feature sensitive rules.

Highlights

  • The inability of these moras to serve as a full tone-bearing units (TBUs) is most clear when we look at loan words of four or more moras

  • I turn to the Kagoshima variety of Japanese (KJ), focusing on the dialect as spoken in Kagoshima city

  • I largely draw on description and data given in Kibe (1997a, b) and Uemura, Nobayashi & Hidaka (1997) for my discussion of syllable weakening23 and tonal processes as well as more focused studies, discussed shortly

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Summary

Introduction

Following the birth of autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976), N has generally been considered an underspecified segment specified only for nasality and subject to assimilation (Ito 1987). It is viewed as the only other permitted coda besides the first half of a geminate. N is homorganic to a following consonant This can be exemplified with the word /hoN/ [hoN] ‘book’, and its nominative form [hoŋga] ‘book-NOM’. The varied character of N is supported by an examination of dialect data and phonological processes

Outline of the article
The phonetic realisation of N in further detail
Phonetic studies on N
The phonological behaviour of N in Tōkyō Japanese
Vowel nasalisation and nasal assimilation
Tone in TJ light syllables
Final N in unaccented words
High tone on final N and other deficient moras in pre-accenting contexts
Tone spreading in Tōkyō Japanese
N as a TBU and vocalic segment in Tōkyō Japanese?
Tone in Ōsaka
The phonetic realisation of N in OJ
Concluding in Ōsaka
Tone in Kagoshima Japanese
KJ syllable weakening and coda consonants
Interim summary and the goals for a revised account
Previous phonological representations of N
N as a variable segment – the Government Phonology account
Revising the representations of N in Strict CV
The basic foundations of Strict CV
Revised representation for N in Tōkyō
Capturing the variation of TBU status for N
Previous approaches to dialect typology in Generative Phonology
A Strict CV view of the TBU
Findings
Refining an unaccentable site –long vowels and external licensing
Full Text
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