Abstract
Abstract A considerable number of German dialects exhibit doubled R-pronouns with pronominal adverbs (dadamit, dadafür, dadagegen). At first sight, this type of in situ replication seems to be completely redundant since its occurrence is independent of R-pronoun extraction/movement. The main purpose of this paper is to account for (i) the difference between dialects with regard to replication of R-pronouns and (ii) why an (apparently redundant) process of replication occurs. Following Müller (2000a), who considers R-pronouns to be a repair phenomenon, we present an analysis in the framework of Optimality Theory. We argue that replication of R-pronouns is a consequence of different rankings of universal requirements like e.g. the Inclusiveness Condition, the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis and Antilocality and that the interaction of these constraints results in the occurrence of replication.
Highlights
German shows two different strategies to pronominalize a noun phrase complement of a preposition: (i) either a regular personal pronoun follows the preposition (1a), or an R-pronoun da appears before the preposition (1b).(1) a
After a brief discussion of previous proposals concerning the structure of pronominal adverbs in general as well as the doubling in particular, we develop a new account of R-pronoun doubling and its cross-dialectal variation in Section 4 making use of ranked violable constraints in the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993])
In numerous varieties of German, we find that extraction of the R-pronoun does not strand the preposition
Summary
German shows two different strategies to pronominalize a noun phrase complement of a preposition: (i) either a regular personal pronoun follows the preposition (1a), or an R-pronoun da appears before the preposition (1b). All examples that show some kind of doubling of the R-pronoun stem from one of the authors of this paper, Katja Barnickel, who grew up in the Swabian town of Schwäbisch Gmünd. They are presented in a broad phonetic transcription that is supposed to capture the salient phonetic deviations from the Standard German. Da1 hat Maria damals [PP da-für ] gestimmt. da has Maria back. da-for voted This doubling is independent of the R-pronoun being separated from the preposition (as in [2b]) and occurs if the pronominal adverb stays intact (3). After a brief discussion of previous proposals concerning the structure of pronominal adverbs in general as well as the doubling in particular, we develop a new account of R-pronoun doubling and its cross-dialectal variation in Section 4 making use of ranked violable constraints in the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 2004 [1993])
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