Abstract

Variability is pervasive in spoken language, in particular if one is exposed to two varieties of the same language (e.g., the standard variety and a dialect). Unlike in bilingual settings, standard and dialectal forms are often phonologically related, increasing the variability in word forms (e.g., German Fuß “foot” is produced as [fus] in Standard German and as [fs] in the Alemannic dialect). We investigate whether dialectal variability in children’s input affects their ability to recognize words in Standard German, testing non-dialectal vs. dialectal children. Non-dialectal children, who typically grow up in urban areas, mostly hear Standard German forms, and hence encounter little segmental variability in their input. Dialectal children in turn, who typically grow up in rural areas, hear both Standard German and dialectal forms, and are hence exposed to a large amount of variability in their input. We employ the familiar word paradigm for German children aged 12–18 months. Since dialectal children from rural areas are hard to recruit for laboratory studies, we programmed an App that allows all parents to test their children at home. Looking times to familiar vs. non-familiar words were analyzed using a semi-automatic procedure based on neural networks. Our results replicate the familiarity preference for non-dialectal German 12–18-month-old children (longer looking times to familiar words than vs. non-familiar words). Non-dialectal children in the same age range, on the other hand, showed a novelty preference. One explanation for the novelty preference in dialectal children may be more mature linguistic processing, caused by more variability of word forms in the input. This linguistic maturation hypothesis is addressed in Experiment 2, in which we tested older children (18–24-month-olds). These children, who are not exposed to dialectal forms, also showed a novelty preference. Taken together, our findings show that both dialectal and non-dialectal German children recognized the familiar Standard German word forms, but their looking pattern differed as a function of the variability in the input. Frequent exposure to both dialectal and Standard German word forms may hence have affected the nature of (prelexical and/or) lexical representations, leading to more mature processing capacities.

Highlights

  • BACKGROUNDTesting children’s word recognition has become an important cornerstone in developing models of lexical representation during the first two years of life

  • We further showed that the familiar word preference was not affected by segmental variation of the stimuli (u-varied vs. u-only), but the familiarity preference was stronger in block 2, in particular for the younger children

  • As predicted by H1, non-dialectal German 12–18-month-old children showed the preference for familiar over nonce-words established in the literature

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Summary

Introduction

BACKGROUNDTesting children’s word recognition has become an important cornerstone in developing models of lexical representation during the first two years of life. The main aim of the present study is to compare the recognition of Standard German word forms in dialectal and non-dialectal German children. We present a method to reach these dialectal children, using an App for iPads for remote testing of word form recognition. We tested children’s word form recognition using the familiar word paradigm. We chose the familiar word paradigm for two reasons: First, it focuses on the processing of word forms, which may differ for dialectal children who grow up with two varieties of the same language (Standard German and a dialect). The word recognition experiment itself starts with a calibration phase (an animated duck which appears in four corners of the screen) in order to establish reference points for manual coding (whether or not the child looks on the iPad or beyond its borders), see Figure 2B. The data are encrypted and securely transferred onto a password-protected university server for subsequent analysis

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