Remembering Alton Parker Hornsby, Jr., 1940–2017

Previous article No AccessRecent Books on African American Educational History William H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954 William H. Watkins, James H. Lewis, and Victoria Chou, eds., Race and Education: The Roles of History and Society in Educating African American Students Karen A. Johnson, Uplifting the Women and the Race: The Educational Philosophies and Social Activism of Anna Julia Cooper and Nannie Helen Burroughs Anna Victoria Wilson and William E. Seagall, Oh, Do I Remember! Experiences of Teachers during the Desegregation of Austin's Schools, 1964-1971 Vivian Gunn Morris and Curtis L. Morris, The Price They Paid: Desegregation in an African American Community Adam Fairclough, Teaching Equality: Black Schools in the Age of Jim Crow Henry N. Drewry and Humphrey Doermann, Stand and Prosper: Private Black Colleges and Their Students Robert A. Pratt, We Shall Not Be Moved: The Desegregation of the University of Georgia Maurice C. Daniels, Horace T. Ward: Desegregation of the University of Georgia, Civil Rights Advocacy, and JurisprudenceV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 87, Number 4Fall 2002New Perspectives on African American Educational History A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/1562476 Views: 26Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: John A. Kirk THE NAACP CAMPAIGN FOR TEACHERS' SALARY EQUALIZATION: AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN EDUCATORS AND THE EARLY CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE, The Journal of African American History 94, no.44 (Nov 2017): 529–552.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n4p529

Previous articleNext article No AccessSymposium on African American HistoriographyThe "Long Movement" as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom StudiesSundiata Keita Cha-Jua and Clarence LangSundiata Keita Cha-Jua Search for more articles by this author and Clarence Lang Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 92, Number 2Spring 2007 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv92n2p265 Views: 1346Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright ASALHPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Ashley Howard Whose Streets? Wielding Urban Revolts as Political Tools, The Journal of African American History 107, no.22 (May 2022): 238–265.https://doi.org/10.1086/719000Danielle Wiggins “Save Auburn Avenue for Our Black Heritage”: Debating Development in Post–Civil Rights Atlanta, The Journal of African American History 107, no.11 (Mar 2022): 79–104.https://doi.org/10.1086/717346Mary Frances Berry On the Editorship of The Journal of African American History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 301–306.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0301 Alec Fazackerley Hickmott Black Land, Black Capital: Rural Development in the Shadows of the Sunbelt South, 1969–1976, The Journal of African American History 101, no.44 (Nov 2017): 504–534.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.101.4.0504 Larry O. Rivers The Morehouse College Scholar-Activist Pedagogy and Boston Personalism, The Journal of African American History 101, no.44 (Nov 2017): 535–546.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.101.4.0535 Jonathan B. Fenderson "When the Revolution Comes": New Perspectives on Black Student Activism and the Black Studies Movement, The Journal of African American History 98, no.44 (Nov 2017): 607–622.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.98.4.0607 Philip F. Rubio "Who Divided the Church?": African American Postal Workers Fight Segregation in the Postal Unions, 1939-1962, The Journal of African American History 94, no.22 (Nov 2017): 172–199.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n2p172 V. P. Franklin Jackanapes: Reflections on the Legacy of the Black Panther Party for the Hip Hop Generation, The Journal of African American History 92, no.44 (Nov 2017): 553–560.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv92n4p553

Previous articleNext article No AccessINTRODUCTION—AFRICAN AMERICANS AND MOVEMENTS FOR REPARATIONS: FROM EX-SLAVE PENSIONS TO THE REPARATIONS SUPERFUNDV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 97, Number 1-2Winter-Spring 2012African Americans and Movements for Reparations: Past, Present, and Future A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.97.1-2.0001 Views: 124Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 2012 ASALHPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Nicola Frith and Joyce Hope Scott National and International Perspectives on Movements for Reparations, The Journal of African American History 103, no.1-21-2 (Jun 2018): 1–18.https://doi.org/10.1086/696363Mary Frances Berry On the Editorship of The Journal of African American History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 301–306.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0301Pero Gaglo Dagbovie Over Forty Years of “Defending the Race” and Writing Black History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 319–340.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0319 Lynda Morgan REPARATIONS AND HISTORY: THE EMANCIPATION GENERATION'S ETHICAL LEGACY FOR THE 21ST CENTURY, The Journal of African American History 99, no.44 (Nov 2017): 403–426.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.4.0403

We take our stand on the solidarity of humanity, the oneness of life, and the unnaturalness and injustice of all special favoritisms, whether of sex, race, country, or condition. If one link of the chain be broken, the chain is broken. ... We want, then, as toilers for the universal triumph of justice and human rights, to go to our homes from this Congress, demanding an entrance not through a gateway for ourselves, our race, our sex, or our sect, but a grand highway for humanity. The colored woman feels that woman's cause is one and universal; and that not till ... race, color, sex, and condition are seen as the accidents, and not the substance of life; . . . not till then is woman's lesson taught and woman's cause won-not the white woman's, nor the black woman's, nor the red woman's, but the cause of every man and of every woman who has writhed silently under a mighty wrong. Woman's wrongs are thus indissolubly linked with all undefended woe, and the acquirement of her "rights" will mean the final triumph of all right over might, the supremacy of the moral forces of reason, and justice, and love in the government of the nations of earth.8 7 Chikwenye Okonjo Ogunyemi, "Womanism: The Dynamics of the Contemporary Black Female Novel in English," Signs 11, no. 1 (Autumn 1985): 63-80. 8 May Wright Sewall, ed., World's Congress of Representative Women (Chicago, 1893), 715, quoted in Bert James Loewenberg and Ruth Bogin, eds., Black Women in Nineteenth-Century American Life: Their Words, Their Thoughts, Their Feelings

An Examination of African American Women's Lives in Postwar Philadelphia Lisa Krissoff Boehm (bio) Lisa Levenstein . A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2009. xvi + 199 pages. Illustrations, tables, maps, appendix, bibliography, and index. $35.96. This work, a part of the prestigious John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture, edited by Waldo E. Martin and Patricia Sullivan, makes a noteworthy contribution to the growing yet still underserved field of African American women's urban history. Levenstein's work is heartening on a number of levels, and we need more scholars to consider undertaking projects of this type. As I have argued in the Journal of Urban History's special January 2010 edition on teaching ("Adding Gender to American Urban History"), urban historians ought to produce works that cross subfields with greater frequency. Urban historians tend to craft books aimed at a narrow audience and seem hesitant to make theoretical or narrative leaps between genres. This hesitancy denies the field greater readership and historiographical impact. Urban history can be successfully merged with political, economic, environmental, gender, labor, immigration, African American, and other types of history. A Movement Without Marches is simultaneously a book about poverty, African American women, public policy, and postwar Philadelphia. The book openly draws inspiration from the likes of Thomas Sugrue's Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (1996) and Arnold R. Hirsch's Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1840-1960 (1998). Levenstein makes a very important contribution by studying what she terms "the gendered construction of racialized urban poverty" (p. 5). Levenstein writes about African American women in poverty, a topic that has proved onerous for many academics due to the stereotypes that must be confronted. Levenstein rejects the term "underclass," which "not only paints a false portrait of poor women's goals and values, but it also severely misconstrues their work habits. Regardless of their employment status, women who sought and retained assistance from public institutions were workers, first and foremost, because they labored to care for their households and [End Page 556] their families with few financial resources" (p. 24). Levenstein is upfront about addressing the ways in which the women may have exhibited traits commonly attributed to the underclass, admitting that the women "received public assistance, became pregnant unintentionally, suffered from depression, or used drugs and alcohol" (p. 24). Levenstein could point out here that these traits can be applied to a broad number of Americans—middle class as well as working class—especially when one considers how many Americans have relied on unemployment assistance at some time in their lives or made use of child tax credits or other financial relief. The author notes on page twenty-six that any study of African American women in poverty runs the risk of misinterpretation, given the broad range of negative stereotypes attributed to these women. The nature of the book necessitates a thorough exploration of the women's personal lives, and the author must divulge some unflattering stories. Extensive reliance on court records unearths very sensitive tales; however, Levenstein approaches her work with the utmost sensitivity and need not worry about being misinterpreted. In a clearly prepared table, Levenstein notes how the black population of Philadelphia expanded from 219,599 in 1930 to 529,239 by 1960. Much of this notable increase is due to the movement known as the Second Great Migration, which Levenstein does not refer to by name but mentions fleetingly in a few places in the book. The economic, cultural, and political aspects of the city that lured hundreds of thousands of southern migrants to settle there ought to be contrasted with the startling conditions the migrants encountered in their daily lives in Philadelphia. As return migration remained low, the North must have remained preferable in some ways. Migration studies and narratives, although there are relatively few focused strictly on women, have been a staple of postwar urban and African American history and ought to be further incorporated into this work. Reference to the conclusions of sociologist Stewart Tolnay, who refutes...

Previous articleNext article No AccessPARTICIPANT-OBSERVER OF HISTORY: JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN—SCHOLAR, MENTOR, AND PROMOTER OF AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN'S HISTORYLillian Serece WilliamsLillian Serece Williams Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 94, Number 3Summer 2009The Legacy of Dr. John Hope Franklin A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n3p370 Views: 4Total views on this site © ASALHPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

"StrangeLove": Searchingfor Sexual Subjectivities in Black PrintPopular Cultureduringthe 1950s Leisa D. Meyer Myrtle Hartgrove, Atlanta, GA—Dear Editor: I just finished glanc ing through your first issue of Tan Confessions, and frankly I feel that you've gone to a lot of trouble to waste a lot of valuable paper. What is the point behind the whole thing? Those stories that you call "true to life," are simply impossible. No self-respecting woman with an ounce of decency would allow any of those things to happen to her that you have published as "the truth." You should be ashamed to advertise such trash on the same page with such honorable publi cations as Ebony and Negro Digest. Jane White, Los Angeles, CA—Dear Editor: Thanks a lot for coming out with your new magazine, Tan Confessions. I am a long time buyer of romantic magazines and while I know that they are trash I would much rather spend my money for "colored trash" than "white trash."1 The disparate reactions of myrtle hartgrove and jane white to the firstissue of Tan Confessions indicate that the sexuality rendered in this monthly publication's intimate stories was deeply contested ter rain for African American readers. I seek in this essay to analyze more broadly such contestations, drawing on a range of articles, letters, and responses in black popular culture magazines in the period immedi ately following World War II. Through an interrogation of the negoti ations among individuals and within groups, we can see the complex and diverse sexual subjectivities (or potential subjectivities) of African American women as they are articulated, debated, weighed, explored, FeministStudies38, no. 3 (Fall 2012). © 2012 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 625 626 Leisa D. Meyer reconfigured, and at times, rejected. What becomes clear through this material is that while there was an explicit and often direct engage ment with white normative cultural presumptions concerning Afri can American sexuality, there were also alternative racialized sexual subjectivities that were explicitly proposed, discussed, and debated within these pages. Myrtle Hartgrove's comments hold up the "decent" and "self respecting" woman as a bulwark against the "trash"—stories of black women's romantic and sexual encounters — offered in the pages of Tan Confessions. Hartgrove's invocation of respectability guards against the longstanding racist trope of hypersexuality and its concomitant insinuation that African American women are not "respectable."2 Many African American women refuted the racist hypersexual image in order to protect themselves and their daughters from its conse quences and also to assert desire and claim their sexuality and sexual subjectivity. Hartgrove here engages in a "politics of respectability"— historian Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham's oft-cited phrase describing African American women's promotion of restrained behavior, espe cially restrained sexual behavior, as a "strategy of reform" during the early twentieth century. For Higginbotham, this strategy enabled African American women to "define themselves outside the param eters of prevailing racist discourses."3 Historian Paisley Harris on the other hand has critiqued this strategy and its consequences, charac terizing the politics of respectability as having a "gatekeeping func tion" that established a "behavioral entrance fee" for membership in African American communities. While this "entrance fee" offered some challenge to hegemonic cultural views of African Americans, it also constructed and maintained status distinctions within African American communities.4 Subsequent studies of African American women's lives and sex ualities have expanded this understanding of the "gatekeeping func tion" of respectability beyond the particular historical moment that Higginbotham explores. As Michele Mitchell suggests in her essay on African American women's history, it is "important to ponder whether African Americanists who theorize gender and sexuality have fomented new silences." She goes on to note her "lurking suspicions" that "certain subjects are avoided because they have been deemed Leisa D. Meyer 627 either dangerous or damaging" and voices her "uneasfe] about the costs attached to this particular quiet."5 Literary scholar Matt Richardson also speaks to the problems of these silences in African American history: The tradition of representing Black people as decent and moral his torical agents has meant the erasure of the broad array of Black sex uality and gendered being in favor of a...

More History Than Myth:African American Women's History Since the Publication of Ar'n't I a Woman? Jessica Millward (bio) "History is supposed to give people a sense of identity, a feeling for who they are, and how far they have come. It should act as a springboard for the future. One hopes that it will do this for Black women, who have been given more myth than history." —Deborah Gray White1 At the time of its initial publication in 1985, Ar'n't I a Woman? was among a small, though significant, number of works focusing on the experiences of slave women in the United States.2 Calling critical attention to the world of female slaves, White interrogated stereotypes and historical inaccuracies about bondwomen by highlighting their experiences from childhood to adulthood. At the heart of White's study was the argument that life under bondage fostered an alternative definition of womanhood for African American women.3 Chattel slavery produced life conditions fundamentally separating White and African American women in the United States, prior to and after the Civil War. While White and Black women may have lived under a paternal, patriarchal structure, race-based experiences nonetheless divided them. As the first book focusing entirely on slave women, it is not surprising that Ar'n't I a Woman? continues to be one of the most important books ever produced on the subject. In the two decades since the publication of Ar'n't I a Woman? the study of African American women's history has gained considerable prominence in the American historical canon. African American women's intellectual work, historical contributions, social circumstances, and political participation are noted in countless articles, manuscripts, and dissertations.4 Discussions of African American women's nearly four-hundred-year existence in what became the United States reach back into the colonial era and rush forward into the twenty-first century. Much of this turn in the literature owes a great intellectual debt to questions raised and synthesized in Ar'n't I a Woman? Although White's work centered on slavery, the scholarly questions articulated by White continue to guide the writing of Black women's history in general. In particular, scholars focus their attention on three broad categories: the first being the long-standing debate on race and feminism; the second articulating the relationship between resistance, activism, and power; and the third centering on violence, sexuality, and the body. These topics respond to particular social and historical circumstances such as [End Page 161] slavery, emancipation, and welfare reform; however, they are not historically specific. Rather, they are salient currents in the dialogue between the myths surrounding African American women and their actual lived histories in the United States. Pervasive stereotypes about African American womanhood permeate social, political, and economic realities in the twenty-first century and inspire scholars to aggressively dismantle the notion that all Black women fit into one of three categories presented by White: the asexual mammy, the hot-tempered sapphire, and the wonton jezebel. In doing so, the canon of studies produced in the generations after Ar'n't I a Woman? highlights the multiplicity of African American women's identities in the United States. Race and Feminism Feminism(s), like the writing of Black women's history, is multilayered. Just as scholars realize that a taxonomy of differences based on class, educational attainment, and political orientation orders relationships between African American and White women, they also produce differences among Black women. Thus for historians of African American women, articulating the relationship between feminism and the writing of Black women's history is as challenging now as it was for White in 1985. White found that Black women came to their protofeminist consciousness through lived experiences in bondage. Slave women did not have access to such formal institutional frameworks as the church and educational settings. Rather they fashioned a distinct worldview that aided them as they negotiated their new lives after the Civil War. Thus while White women endured their own "race-determined sexism," writing African American women's history forces scholars to investigate how race determines their feminist consciousness.5 The African American community...

Previous articleNext article No Access"WE CAN BEST HONOR THE PAST... BY FACING IT SQUARELY, HONESTLY, AND ABOVE ALL, OPENLY"Robert L. Harris Jr.Robert L. Harris Jr. Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 94, Number 3Summer 2009The Legacy of Dr. John Hope Franklin A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n3p391 Views: 18Total views on this site © ASALHPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Previous articleNext article No AccessCentennial Perspective—IIMilestones and Arrows: A Cultural Anthropologist Discovers the Global African DiasporaSheila S. WalkerSheila S. Walker Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 100, Number 3Summer 2015Gendering the Carceral State: African American Women, History, and the Criminal Justice System A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.3.0494 Views: 149Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 2015 The Association for the Study of African American Life and HistoryPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Hilary McD. Beckles End of Pan-Africanism: Reparations and Global Africa, The Journal of African American History 103, no.1-21-2 (Jun 2018): 179–196.https://doi.org/10.1086/696336

From mid-19th century and even earlier, African Americans have demanded first class citizenship, the full works ... with no reservations ... and nothing less, as black labor leader A. Philip Randolph asserted in 1942. (1) But what exactly is What rights are conferred by citizenship? What obligations are exacted by citizenship? At most basic level, citizenship defines a person's relation State. When Dred Scott sought assert his rights as a citizen in 1857, Supreme Court Justice Roger B. Taney posed question: Can a Negro, whose ancestors were imported into this country, and sold as slaves, become a member of political community formed and brought into existence by Constitution of United States, and as such become entitled all rights, and privileges, and immunities, guaranteed by that instrument citizen? Among those privileges, Taney continued, was privilege of suing in a court. In his opinion, African Americans, both free and enslaved, were not citizens. (2) The Civil Rights Act of 1866, 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, and 15th Amendment, ratified in 1870, recognized African Americans as citizens, and granted African Americans rights--that is, rights sue in court and participate in civil affairs on equal terms. Civil rights in 19th century were defined in federal Civil Rights Act of 1866 as right to make and enforce contracts, sue, be parties, and give evidence, inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property, and full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for security of person and property. (3) These civil rights are central public realm and for economic transactions, but contract and due process rights do not protect privacy, nor do they envision social equality or personal freedom in sexual matters. Without right sexual privacy and self-determination, African Americans remained second-class citizens even as black men exercised vote, bought land, and established families. In aftermath of Reconstruction, loss of civil and political rights came after a campaign of terror that used rape and lynching as its weapons. As essays in this Special Issue of The Journal of African American History show, continuing vulnerability of African Americans accusations of sexual crimes or improprieties compromised their citizenship rights. The five historians whose essays appear in this Special Issue challenge traditional constructions of citizenship through their explorations of gender and sexuality in African American history. Destabilizing rigid categories of race that were one result of interracial sexual relations is not a new project as we are reminded in Ann S. Holder's important essay, What's Sex Got Do With It? Race, Power, Citizenship and 'Intermediate Identities,' in Post-Emancipation United States. Commentators, including Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, Anna Julia Cooper, T. Thomas Fortune, and Richmond, Virginia, editor John Mitchell challenged slavery and segregation by reminding their readers that certainty had be forged from a landscape of indeterminancy. Deploying community gossip and local traditions about sexual liaisons of white politicians, Mitchell's Planet undermined their blustering rhetoric of racial purity. In a democracy, citizenship and public service could only be non-racial, Mitchell argued, because all people contributed. Holder also provides a succinct and important chronology that traces ideological and legislative evolution of prohibitions on interracial sex from colonial times 20th century. Lynn Hudson points out in Entertaining Citizenship: Masculinity and Minstrelsy in Post-Emancipation San Francisco, even asking for a glass of whiskey in a saloon on San Francisco's Barbary Coast was an assertion of black manhood and citizenship. In public spaces, arenas which have not traditionally been understood as political, in streets, at theater, and at public entertainments, African American men negotiated citizenship against derogatory images of minstrelsy. …

Previous articleNext article No AccessINTRODUCTION: REFLECTIONS ON THE LEGACY OF MALCOLM XV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 98, Number 4Fall 2013Reflections on the Legacy of Malcolm X A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.98.4.0562 Views: 82Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 2013 The Association for the Study of African American Life and HistoryPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Bettye Collier-Thomas A Life of Research and Writing on the Civil Rights Movement, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 294–300.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0294 Jed B. Tucker Malcolm X, the Prison Years: The Relentless Pursuit of Formal Education, The Journal of African American History 102, no.22 (Jan 2018): 184–212.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.2.0184 Raymond A. Winbush Malcolm X: A Living Icon in his Own Words, The Journal of African American History 100, no.22 (Nov 2017): 290–293.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.2.0290

Evidence exists that increased levels of physical activity decrease the population burden of cardiovascular disease (CVD). Although risk factors for CVD, including plasma lipids and lipoproteins, have been associated with physical activity, studies including a sizeable number of minority participants are lacking. Our purpose was to interrogate the longitudinal effect of physical activity on plasma lipids and lipoproteins in the African American and white participants of the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) Study. Nine years of follow-up data on 8,764 individuals aged 45-64 years at baseline were used in linear mixed-effects models to estimate the association between increases in baseline physical activity on mean change in HDL, LDL, total cholesterol, and triglyceride levels. Increases in the level of activity were associated with increases in HDL in all strata and decreases in triglycerides among white participants. Physical activity was associated with LDL in all women, while the association with total cholesterol was limited to African American women. This study is one of the few to investigate the effect of physical activity on lipids and lipoproteins in a race- and sex-specific manner. Overall our results highlight the importance of physical activity on plasma lipid profiles and provide evidence for novel differential associations.

This essay examines the Iowa Federation of Colored Women's Clubs (IFCWC) campaign to operate a house for African American women at the University of Iowa from 1919 to 1950. (1) It seeks to add to a growing body of literature which focuses on African American philanthropy and collective black economic enterprises. An examination of the experiences of African American women at the University of Iowa and the IFCWC Home campaign offers an interesting case study that builds on recent research work on African American Women's philanthropy. (2) The IFCWC's economic enterprise developed because between 1913 and 1946, the University of Iowa barred African American students from campus and some student activities. The experiences of African American women at the University of Iowa are unique for two reasons: 1) the house they occupied was one of a few dormitories in the nation owned and operated by a formally organized group of African American women; and 2) the campaign to maintain the IFCWC Hom e provided mostly middle-class African American women students with the organizational, intellectual, and leadership skills necessary to become the next generation of black women activists. In general, the experiences of African American college women at predominantly white coeducational institutions in the early twentieth century are unique because white women often had the guidance and support of white women administrators and/or faculty. (3) African American women, on the other hand, had to look outside the university for such mentors and role models. The question remains then, how did the alliance with the IFCWC help to keep students connected to the African American community; and how did the community respond? How did limited employment prospects that resulted from race and gender prejudice help to bring about a sharply focused movement to make a college education available to a number of Iowa's young African American women? I contend that the IFCWC prepared African American women at the University of I owa to assume positions of leadership in organizations such as the IFCWC, National Association of Colored Women (NACW), the Order of the Eastern Star (OES), and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and a host of other local and regional civil rights organizations. (4) Upon graduation, these women also assumed responsibilities in their local communities in their effort to the race. This work places African American women's lives at the center of inquiry in a preexisting historiographical paradigm which often excludes them through a preoccupation with African American men and white women. A few scholars, such as Linda Perkins, Elizabeth Ihle, Jeanne Noble, and Ellen Lawson, have completed various studies on African American women's higher education. Other scholars, such as Amy Thompson McCandless, offer thorough and insightful comparisons of the southern white and southern black women's education in the twentieth century. Outside the works by this small group of historians, the experiences of college educated African American women have been marginal. Particularly missing from current studies is any examination of African American women in the midwest. (5) Although African American women's historiography has recently focused on Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, these works avoid any elaborate discussions of African American women's history in midwestern states west of the Mississippi River su ch as Minnesota, Nebraska, and Iowa. (6) To be sure, this study is not only specific to Iowa, but to African American women who attended the University of Iowa. I contend that racism did not paralyze these women's struggle for equality. They transformed their experiences with racism into a call for social activism, racial uplift, and service to their communities. (7) As Kevin Gaines, Stephanie Shaw and other scholars point out, although African Americans agreed on the ideal of uplift they did not always agree on what types of behavior were appropriate. …

A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CIVIL WAR ARTICLES: 1965 Compiled by Ada M. Stoflet I. General Cunliffe, Marcus. "Recent Writing on the American Civil War." History, L, 26-35. Dodwell, H. B. "American Civil War." Contemporary Review, CCVI, 192-204. [A chronology.] 'The Final Assembly of the Civil War Centennial Commission and the State Historical Society's Spring Tour." Illinois State Historical Society. Journal, LVIII, 190-199. Larson, Norman C. "The Confederate Centennial: A Report." North Carolina Historical Review, XLII, 216-223. McWhiney, Grady. "Who Whipped Whom? Confederate Defeat Reexamined ." Civil War History, XI, 5-26. Robertson, James I., Jr. "The Two-Sided War." Kansas Historical Quarterly , XXXI, 63-66. Stoflet, Ada M., comp. "A Bibliography of Civil War Articles: 1964." Civä War History, XI, 178-203. Temple, Wayne C. "Last Assembly of the Civil War Centennial Commission ." Lincoln Herald, LXVII, 83-90. II. Slavery and the Antebellum South Craven, Avery O. "Historical Adventure." Journal of American History, LI (1964), 5-20. [Manning-Chestnut family in antebellum South Carolina .] Duram, James C. "A Study of Frustration: Britain, the USA and the African Slave Trade, 1815-1870." Social Science, XL, 220-225. Fishlow, Albert. "Antebellum Interregional Trade Reconsidered." American Economic Review, LIV (1964), 352-364. Hill, Leonard U. "John Randolph's Freed Slaves Settle in Western Ohio." Cincinnati Historical Society. Bulletin, XXIII, 179-186. Jenkins, John H., ed. "Murder the Entire White Population." Texana, III, 180-182. Katz, William. "Another Slave Freed." Journal of Negro History, L, 121-123. Logan, Gwendolyn Evans. "The Slave in Connecticut during the Revolution ." Connecticut Historical Society. Bulletin, XXX, 73-80. 156 Lucdncham, Bradford F. "Schoolcraft, Slavery and Self-Emancipation." Journal of Negro History, L, 118-121. Lynd, Staughton. "Rethinking Slavery and Reconstruction." Journal of Negro History, L, 198-209. Mathews, Donald G. "Methodist Mission to the Slaves, 1829-1844." Journal of American History, LI, 615-631. Miller, William L. "Note on the Importance of the Interstate Slave Trade of the Ante Bellum South." Journal of Politicai Economy, LXXIII, 181-187. Moore, John Hammond. "A Hymn of Freedom—South Carolina, 1813." Journal of Negro History, L, 50-53. Neyland, Leedell W. "The Free Negro in Florida." Negro History Bulletin , XXIX, 27-28+. Parker, Franklin. "Philip Vickers Fifthian: Northern Tutor on a Southern Plantation." Journal of the West, IV, 56-62. Proctor, William G., Jr. "Slavery in Southwest Georgia." Georgia Historical Quarterly, XLIX, 1-22. Reinders, Robert C. "The Free Negro in the New Orleans Economy, 1850-1860." Louisiana History, VI, 273-285. Rice, Otis K. "Coal Mining in the Kanawha Valley to 1861: A View of Industrialization in the Old South." Journal of Southern History, XXXI, 393-416. Schnell, Kempes. "Anti-Slavery Influences on the Status of Slaves in a Free State." Journal of Negro History, L, 257-273. Sio, Arnold A. "Interpretations of Slavery: The Slave Status in the Americas." Comparative Studies in Society and History, VII, 289-308. SuTCH, Richard. "The Profitability of Ante Bellum Slavery—Revisited." Southern Economic Journal, XXXI, 365-377. "A Reply" by Edward Saraydor, 377-383. Takai, Ronald. "The Movement to Reopen the African Slave Trade in South Carolina." South Carolina Historical Magazine, LXVI, 38-54. Williams, William Henry, ed. "Ten Letters from William Harris Crawford to Martin Van Buren." Georgia Historical Quarterly, XLIX, 65-81. WiNNiNCHAM, Mrs. Davto. "Sam Houston and Slavery." Texana, III, 93104 . Wax, Darold D. "Negro Imports into Pennsylvania, 1720-1766." Pennsylvania History, XXXII, 254-287. Wooster, Ralph A. "Membership in Early Texas Legislature, 1850-1860." Southwestern Historical Quarterly, LXIX, 163-173. III. Antislavery and Sectionalism "Abraham Lincoln's Hartford Speech of 5 March 1860." Kentucky. University . Libraries. Bulletin, XXV (October, 1964), [1-4]. "Anti-Slavery Song Books in Thoreau's Library." Emerson Society Quarterly , No. 36 (III Quarter, 1964), Parts 2 and 3, 52-121. Carroll, Kenneth L. "William Southeby, Early Quaker Antislavery 157 158civil war history Writer." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, LXXXIX, 416-427. "A Checklist of Literary Contributions to The Liberator." Emerson Society Bulletin, No. 40, Part 3, 133-150. CoNCLETON, Betty Carolyn. "George D. Prentice and Bloody Monday: A Reappraisal." Kentucky Historical Society. Register, LXIII, 218-239. [Election day, August 6, 1855, culminating first state campaign of Native American Party.] Dunson, A...