Abstract

Within the field of child welfare, one special group of children has received relatively little scholarly attention: refugee children. These are children who have made international migrations due to political oppression in their home countries. Approximately 100,000 refugees are admitted into the United States each year, and almost 1.3 million have been admitted since 1982 (U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1995c). The primary countries of origin of these refugees have been Southeast Asia (Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia), the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe (Hungary, Poland, Romania, and the former Czechoslovakia), Cuba, and Haiti (U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1995c). Each of these groups began arriving in the United States following political upheavals in their respective countries: Southeast Asians in 1975, following the end of the Vietnam War and the consequent Communist domination of the area; Soviets and East Europeans in the late 1940s following Communist coups; Cubans in the early 1960s following the Castro coup; and Haitians in the late 1960s and the 1970s during the oppressive Duvalier regimes. A substantial proportion of these arriving refugees (26 percent in 1992) are children (Office of Refugee Resettlement, 1993). Refugee children arrive with immediate or extended family members or as unaccompanied minors who are placed with relatives who arrived earlier or, in the absence of relatives, are placed in foster care (Office of Refugee Resettlement, 1993). On resettlement, refugee children face numerous challenges. In addition to language barriers, a variety of unique stressors are experienced. First, for children who are with their families, there are often intergenerational problems. Frequently, children adopt the customs of the new country much more quickly than their parents, resulting in a role reversal whereby the children become translators of language and cultural norms for their parents (Carlin, 1990; Drachman, 1992; Stepick & Dutton Stepick, 1994). This frequently leads to a lack of respect for elders, which is an extremely important value in many of the original cultures (Carlin, 1990; Drachman, 1992; Matsuoka, 1990; Stepick & Dutton Stepick, 1994). Problems also develop with child discipline; some types of discipline used in the original culture may be considered child abuse in the United States, a fact that the children may use to their advantage by threatening to report their parents to child welfare authorities (Stepick & Dutton Stepick, 1994). A further source of intergenerational stress is strong expectations for achievement that are often placed on refugee children by their parents. Many older refugees arrive in this country having given up hope on their own advancement; however, they view their children's opportunity to live a better life as giving meaning to or redeeming their own suffering (Carlin, 1990). Another common problem is posttraumatic stress disorder. A significant number of refugee children have witnessed death, torture, rape, or imprisonment of family members. Disease and starvation are also common. Many refugees leave on boats and may be at sea for lengthy periods without adequate food, shelter, or sanitation. Frequently, refugees undergo a long stay in refugee camps that have poor housing and shortages of clothing and water. All of these factors contribute to posttraumatic stress (Drachman, 1992; Uba & Chung, 1991). In addition to intergenerational conflicts and posttraumatic stress, refugee children experience difficulties with acculturation and cultural identity. In their homes they are expected to behave in accordance with the native culture, whereas at school they are expected to be Americanized. Thus, they must live a dual life for which they have no role models (Carlin, 1990). A final issue of concern regarding these children is their increasing involvement in criminal activities. Numerous violent crimes have been reported, and the formation of refugee youth gangs is particularly troublesome (Carlin, 1990; Stepick & Dutton Stepick, 1994). …

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