Abstract
From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of most striking consequences for country’s democracy was culmination of impeachment of twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, isolation of legislative branch from one of largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including real estate market and political class) -the Lava Jato, which included name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with proposal of being the president of great In this context are inserted proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes minimum age required for retirement; and labor reform that dilutes some rights of formal workers in name of a generation of employment and income of productive sector, as an alternative to come out of economic crisis. However, mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on agenda of media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw popular dissatisfaction with two reforms, possibility of union of a large part of population in a single cause: stop dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in first year of Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to media coverage that has made on social manifestations after impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed analysis of discourse of main news made around reforms.
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