Abstract

AbstractThis study investigates the pragmatic referentiality and semantic modifiability of incorporated nouns. While some researchers argue that incorporated nouns have a referential function, others claim that they are not used to refer. Similarly, some hold that incorporated nouns are modifiable, whereas other researchers maintain that they cannot be modified. In order to tease apart these conflicting views, the present study systematically investigates the cross- and intra-linguistic variation regarding the referentiality and modifiability of incorporated nouns. A pre-defined set of criteria for the identification of referentially vs. non-referentially used nouns and modifiable vs. non-modifiable nouns, taken from Functional Discourse Grammar, is applied to incorporated nouns in a sample of 21 languages. The results show variation between referentially used modifiable nouns, non-referentially used modifiable nouns and non-referentially used non-modifiable nouns, both across and within languages. In addition, referentially used modifiable incorporated nouns and non-referentially used non-modifiable incorporated nouns appear to occur independently of each other, such that the conflicting perspectives on the referentiality and modifiability of incorporated nouns may be related to differences between studies and theoretical approaches in the languages they focus on. Moreover, incorporated non-referentially used modifiable nouns are only found in languages that also show incorporated referentially used modifiable nouns, which suggests that two independent incorporation processes should be distinguished: the incorporation of modifiable nouns and the incorporation of non-modifiable nouns.

Highlights

  • First PossibilitiesInitial Observation: There is a clear ‘thematic similarity’ between the system of bound roots in NCN (as illustrated in (1) – (2)) and the general phenomenon of ‘noun incorporation’ across languages

  • I bought the bread yesterday. (Sawai 2002; p.10). This follows from the H-movement account, since hosts are part of the syntactic representation of the sentence. (That is, non-discourse transparency of the incorporated N is sometimes taken as evidence for a lexical analysis, on the grounds that sub-morphemes should fail to introduce discourse referents)

  • SIDE-NOTE: While the account sketched below will be attributed to Wojdak (2003a,b), I adopt a slightly different theory of ‘PF-movement’ from what she adopts in her papers

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Summary

First Possibilities

Initial Observation: There is a clear ‘thematic similarity’ between the system of bound roots in NCN (as illustrated in (1) – (2)) and the general phenomenon of ‘noun incorporation’ across languages. Syntactic (Head-Movement) Analysis The formation of the complex predicate occurs ‘in the syntax’ The ‘bound transitive root’ is initially generated (merged) as a separate V-head. (i) Maht’ii7amit7is maht’ii-7aap-mit-7is house-buy-PST-3.IND A man bought a house. A bound root suffixed to a semantically contentful host (interpreted as the ‘direct object’) cannot still take a separate direct object DP (ii) Maht’ii7amit7is maht’ii-7aap-mit-7is house-buy-PST-3.IND A man bought a house. The impossibility of such structures follows from the H-movement account, since semantically contentful hosts (interpreted as the ‘direct object’) are assumed to underlyingly occupy the direct object position of the V. This follows from the H-movement account, since hosts are part of the syntactic representation of the sentence. (That is, non-discourse transparency of the incorporated N is sometimes taken as evidence for a lexical analysis, on the grounds that sub-morphemes should fail to introduce discourse referents)

Problems for Either of the Two ‘Initial Possibilities’
A Third Possibility
Technical Background
PF Movement in a DM System
The ‘PF-Movement’ Analysis of Nuu-chah-nulth Bound Roots
Facts Predicted by the ‘PF-Movement’ Analysis
Full Text
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