Abstract

In response to the governance problems associated with excessive party polarization in American national and state governments, many reformers now seek to alter existing electoral institutions to reduce polarization and its effects. Unfortunately, many existing proposals are based on premises that lack empirical foundation. This essay outlines a set of empirical regularities about polarization in the United States that have important implications for the appropriateness and efficacy of reform proposals. In the conclusion, I outline some approaches to polarization that do not run afoul of the facts.

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