Abstract
Abstract This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.
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