Reasoning about Sexual Assault in Emerging Adults: The Role of Consent

College Sexual Assault: A Call for Trauma-Informed Prevention

Lysistrata, #MeToo, and Consent:A Case Study Meghan Brodie (bio) The country is going to hell in a handbasket. Foreign policy is a disaster area. Military interventions stretch on for years. The motives and strategies (or lack thereof) of the men in power have become suspect, and women have had enough. But we are not at the most recent US Women's March or even in the current century. It is 411 bce. In Aristophanes' Lysistrata, the war-weary women of Athens and Sparta want to end the Peloponnesian War, and their tactic is radically simple: participate in a sex strike until the men lay down their arms. In this fast-paced comedy, lust is leverage and the personal is definitely political. But what does it mean to produce this classical play against the backdrop of the #MeToo movement?1 In spring 2017, several months before the movement erupted in the United States, I had planned to direct Ellen McLaughlin's adaptation of Lysistrata for Ursinus College's 2017–18 season. In the October 2017 wake of multiple sexual assault allegations against Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein, women used #MeToo to create public awareness about the pervasiveness of sexual harassment and assault in their lives.2 As more and more of my students, colleagues, and friends shared their #MeToo experiences, I paused to consider how a production of Aristophanes' sex comedy, specifically McLaughlin's adaptation of it, might be interpreted in terms of commentary on consent in this changing cultural landscape.3 Surveying Sexual Violence on College Campuses The college sexual assault epidemic is just one of the sexual violence crises to which the #MeToo movement responds. In June 2017, Columbia University announced the findings of the Sexual Health Initiative to Foster Transformation (SHIFT), "a major research initiative to study sexual violence and sexual health among Columbia University undergraduates." The SHIFT team "surveyed, interviewed, and observed students, assembling one of the most scientifically rigorous and comprehensive portraits of undergraduate sexual health and behavior ever compiled" ("Columbia Researchers Present"). Researchers first published their findings in the open-access, peer-reviewed journal PLOS ONE: of the over 1,600 students surveyed, "[s]ince college entry, 22% of students reported experiencing at least one incident of sexual assault" and "[w]omen and gender nonconforming students reported the highest rates (28% and 38%, respectively)." The data compiled by the researchers "suggest a cumulative risk for sexual assault experiences over four years of college with over one in three women experiencing an assault by senior year," but also demonstrate that "freshman year, particularly for women, is when the greatest percentage experience an assault" (Mellins). Given such statistics, how might colleges proactively address sexual assault on campus and cultivate conversations about prevention and consent? Turning to Theatre as a Tool for Sexual Violence Prevention Several texts, including M. Candace Christensen's "Using Theater of the Oppressed to Prevent Sexual Violence on College Campuses," Sarah McMahon and coauthors' "Utilizing Peer [End Page 183] Education Theater for the Primary Prevention of Sexual Violence on College Campuses," and W. Gregory Thatcher's "Preliminary Evaluation of the 'Playing the Game' Sexual Assault Prevention Theatre Program," identify theatre as an effective tool for sexual violence education. For example, Speak About It, a not-for-profit organization, provides "[a]ffirmative consent education through performance and dialogue" to teach high school and college students about consent, boundaries, and healthy relationships. As of 2016, the organization reports that it reached over 300,000 students. In "Exploring and Sharing Strategies for Staging Affirmative Sexual Consent: 100 Shades of Grey and Beyond," Charlotte McIvor discusses her own experiences coordinating a theatre-based sexual violence prevention project at the National University of Ireland at Galway, and highlights similar projects at the University of Texas at Austin, Santa Clara University, Hobart and William Smith College, Michigan State University, and Rutgers University. Based on a model I developed in conjunction with AddVerb Productions and the University of Southern Maine, I coordinate and direct a performance-based sexual violence prevention program titled The Consent Event—a series of scenes and monologues about sexual violence and healthy relationships performed by an ensemble of student actors for Ursinus College's new student orientation...

A precollege history of sexual victimization predicts revictimization during college, making it important to understand the mechanisms underlying the victimization-to-revictimization pathway. The study aimed to test whether heavy episodic drinking and personal and peer hookup norms mediate revictimization for two types of unwanted sexual contact: sexual coercion (attempted and/or completed sexual assault by the use of verbal coercion) and sexual assault (attempted and/or completed sexual assault by the use of force, threats, or incapacitation). At college entry, 483 first-year college women completed self-report measures of their precollege experiences, including history of sexual victimization and health behaviors (i.e., alcohol use, personal and peer hookup norms). At the end of the first and second semesters, they also completed measures assessing incident sexual victimization. Nearly one half of women (48%) reported an experience of attempted or completed sexual coercion or assault prior to entering college; 33% endorsed sexual coercion and 15% endorsed sexual assault in their first year of college. Structural equation models demonstrated that heavy episodic drinking and personal and peer hookup norms partially mediated revictimization for sexual assault, but not for sexual coercion. Sexual coercion was the most common tactic leading to unwanted sexual contact in this sample. Alcohol use and personal and peer hookup norms mediated revictimization by force, threats, or incapacitation. In contrast, the hypothesized mediators did not explain the revictimization pathway for verbally coerced assaults. Given the prevalence of sexual coercion, research needs to identify risk factors for verbal coercion to guide prevention efforts.

Research has demonstrated significantly higher rates of sexual assault victimization among lesbian, gay, bisexual and queer (LGBQ) students than heterosexual students, and the overwhelming majority of assaults are not reported to any official system. Given the potential for support services to provide valuable assistance and promote well-being after an assault, the present study explores whether LGBQ students report assaults at similar rates to heterosexual students. As part of the 2015 College Student Health Survey, 10,646 male and female college students at 2- and 4-year colleges in Minnesota provided data regarding sexual assault victimization; reporting to a health care provider, campus authority, police, or social contact; and sexual orientation (two items, including write-in). Chi-square tests were used to detect associations between sexual assault victimization and five sexual orientation groups; and between sexual orientation and assault reporting (for 523 assault incidents). Almost 6% of students reported that they had experienced sexual assault in the previous 12 months. Significant differences in assault experience were seen by sexual orientation groups, for both males and females. For example, rates of sexual assault were 2.5 to over 5 times higher among bisexual and queer/pansexual/other females than among heterosexual females. Reporting of sexual assault to health care providers, campus authorities or police was rare for both heterosexual and sexual minority students, and there were no significant differences in reporting across sexual orientation. LGBQ students and heterosexual students appear to be similarly comfortable accessing health care providers, police, and campus resources, suggesting that these services are not overtly biased or unwelcoming to sexual minorities. However, rates of sexual assault were considerably higher among sexual minority groups, suggesting a need for primary prevention that is appropriate and sensitive to the experiences of LGBQ students.

The ABCs of caring for sexual assault patients

Given the previously documented higher rates of smoking among 2-year college students in comparison with 4-year university students, this study compares smoking patterns, attitudes and motives among 2-year and 4-year college students. Two thousand two hundred and sixty-five undergraduate students aged 18-25 years at a 2-year college and a 4-year university completed an online survey in 2008. Current (past 30-day) smoking was reported by 43.5% of 2-year and 31.9% of 4-year college students, and daily smoking was reported by 19.9% of 2-year and 8.3% of 4-year college students. Attending a 2-year college was associated with higher rates of current smoking [odds ratio (OR) = 1.72] and daily smoking (OR = 2.84), and with less negative attitudes regarding smoking, controlling for age, gender, ethnicity and parental education. Also, compared with 4-year college student smokers, 2-year college smokers had lower motivation to smoke for social reasons, but more motivation to smoke for affect regulation, after controlling for age, gender, ethnicity and parental education. Two- and 4-year college students report different smoking patterns, attitudes and motives. These distinctions might inform tobacco control messages and interventions targeting these groups of young adults.

Sexual Assault: A Matter of Civil Rights and Title IX

Sexual assault victims face more social criticism than victims of any other crime. It is uncertain whether women of color are more at risk for sexual assault than White women during their college years. However, studies suggest that Black female sexual assault victims are more likely than White female victims to be blamed for their attacks and have their reports invalidated in the courts and on college campuses (Donovan, 2007; George & Martinez, 2002). In this article identity development models are used to frame the intersecting effects of race and gender on the psychosocial well-being of Black female sexual assault victims in college. Implications for counseling and student affairs practice, as well as recommendations for future research are offered.

EDITORS' NOTE: Howz serious and widespread a problem is sexual harassment in our universities? What means will effectively diminish its incidence without violating the rights of individuals? Each of thefollowing essays answers one of these two questions. In the first, Bernice Lott, Mary Ellen Reilly, and Dale Howard describe the results of a 1979 survey that examined a sample of the entire University of Rhode Island population. Its purpose was to determine how many of the respondents in the sample group had personal knowledge of or had experienced any form of sexual assault, intimidation, or insult; how they had responded to assault; and their beliefs about harassment in general. In the second essay, Judith Berman Brandenburg delineates a response to the problem worked out at Yale University: the establishment of a grievance procedure administered through a specially selected board. The process of this honest search for answers uncovers other questions: Do we have a definition of sexual harassment upon which most people will agree? Is power thefactor that transforms what may be cajolery into harassment? If so, power in what forms? Do these forms make the problem invulnerable to any solution? With these essays we open a dialogue on such questions. We invite your letters in response, in the hope that through the exchange we canfurther advance feminist efforts to analyze-and to overcome-this pernicious form of sexual injustice.

Sexual assault is a troubling epidemic that plagues college campuses across the United States, and is often proceeded by drinking by the perpetrator and/or victim. The goal of this study was to examine the effect of level of intoxication, history of alcohol-related blackouts, and childhood sexual abuse (CSA) on the likelihood of being a victim or perpetrator of coercive sexual activities. Participants (N = 2,244) were part of a 6-year longitudinal study which explored alcohol use and associated behavioral risks during college. A subsample (N = 1,423) completed 30 days of daily diary surveys across four years of college. Participants provided daily reports of their alcohol consumption, sexual coercion perpetration, and sexual coercion victimization. Using hierarchical linear models, results indicated that increases in daily estimated blood alcohol concentration (eBAC) were associated with a greater likelihood of being a victim and a perpetrator of sexual coercion. In addition, main effects of CSA and history of blackouts predicted a greater likelihood of being coerced into sexual activity, but blackouts were not associated with being a perpetrator. A significant interaction between blackouts and event-level eBAC indicated that individuals with a history of blackouts had a greater likelihood of sexual coercion victimization relative to those without prior blackouts. Finally, having a history of blackouts and CSA was predictive of a lower likelihood of being a perpetrator of sexual coercion at higher eBACs relative to those without a history of blackouts. Thus, prevention efforts should integrate the impact of blackouts and CSA on sexual coercion victimization and perpetration. (PsycINFO Database Record

Recently, much research has been dedicated to understanding how to prevent and address the aftermath of sexual assault (SA) on traditional 4-year college and university campuses in the United States. However, less scholarly attention has been paid to 2-year institutions, commonly known as community colleges. This review illuminates the different situational contexts faced by community college students, compared with students at 4-year colleges. These differences are shaped by community college characteristics, student demographics, and geographic location of their students. Community colleges enroll a higher percentage of women, first-generation students, and low-income students than 4-year colleges. Furthermore, community colleges are academic homes to the most racially and ethnically diverse student population, with higher numbers of African Americans, Latinos, immigrants, and nonnative English speakers. These populations (e.g., women, racial minorities, first-generation, low-income) are at a greater risk for SA; yet, 2-year institutions have less funding and resources available to address SA on their campuses. Thus, this article reviews the problem of campus SA on community colleges and highlights the challenges that 2-year institutions face in comparison with those that 4-year institutions face when implementing SA prevention and response strategies. Then, a case study of a 3-year project on one nonresidential and seven community colleges is presented, which illustrates how 2-year institutions can forge relationships with community professionals to address SA on their campuses.

Unreadable and Underreported:Can College Students Comprehend How to Report Sexual Assault? Zachary W. Taylor (bio) Title IX's Clery Act (1986) requires postsecondary institutions receiving Title IV funds to "disclose accurate and complete crime statistics for incidents that are reported to Campus Security Authorities (CSAs) and local law enforcement as having occurred on or near the campus" (White House Task Force to Protect Students From Sexual Assault, 2014, para.4). Included in this mandated crime reporting is the incidence of sexual assault on or near campus; however, institutions adhering to the Clery Act can only report crimes that are reported to them: as recently as 2006, nearly 80% of all 2-year and 4-year institutions in the United States did not report a single sexual offense (Lombardi & Jones, 2015). This apparent absence of sexual assault on campus simply does not represent the lived experiences of college students. Longitudinal research has suggested that sexual assault on college campuses is widespread and grossly underreported (Lombardi & Jones, 2015). In their seminal study of sexual assault on 32 college campuses, Koss, Gidycz, and Wisniewski (1985) found that 54% of undergraduate women and 26% [End Page 248] of undergraduate men experienced sexual aggression or victimization during college. Over 30 years later, Krebs, Lindquist, Berzovsky, Shook-Sa, and Peterson (2016) found that 21% of all female students experienced sexual assault during their undergraduate careers and 13% were raped by the time they graduated. More troubling, recent research demonstrates more than 90% of all sexual assault victims on a college campus—students who identify with any gender identity and/or sexual orientation—do not report the crime (National Sexual Violence Resource Center, 2015). In no uncertain terms, sexual assault and the underreporting of sexual assault on campus are troubling problems for students, faculty, student affairs professionals, and others working with college students. To curb the problem of underreporting, numerous lawmaking bodies have attempted to remove barriers to reporting sexual assault on college campuses. In 2013, President Obama signed the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, which expanded the definitions of domestic violence, dating violence, and stalking and included them in Clery Act reporting requirements. In 2016, the state of Wisconsin passed legislation—Assembly Bill 808—prohibiting victims of sexual assault from being fined for underage drinking, in hopes that college students would be more willing to come forward and report a crime on campus. Educational researchers have advocated for improving physical and mental health services to boost disclosure of sexual assault (Sabina & Ho, 2014), intersectionality counseling to promote sexual assault prevention and reporting (Coulter et al., 2017), and institutional use of longitudinal prevention and research models to inform new sexual assault reporting policies and procedures (Banyard, 2014). To date, scholars have not examined a seemingly commonsense aspect of sexual assault reporting: the readability of the reporting instructions themselves; therefore, in this study I examined the readability—using four commonly used measures—of sexual assault reporting instructions of 100 four-year institutions in the United States to answer this research question: Can college students of average reading comprehension ability read and comprehend sexual assault reporting instructions? METHOD In this project I employed a rarely used method in higher education research: an analysis of textual readability. The sample, data, and procedures for this study are detailed below. Sample The population of interest for this study is all 4-year public and private nonprofit colleges and universities, representing a sampling frame of 2,386 institutions in the United States. This population was identified as being relevant to the study of sexual assault reporting instructions, as these institutions often have large percentages of students living on or near campus and these institutions deliver predominantly face-to-face education instead of online education. A sample size of 100 institutions was established, given the time necessary to locate each institution's sexual assault reporting instructions, extract the text therein, and calculate four readability measures per set of instructions. To reduce bias and increase generalizability, I used a simple random sampling technique. Once I identified all 2,386 institutions using the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System, I sorted each institution alphabetically by name and assigned each institution a number. I then used a...

The rise of sexual assault reporting on college campuses has prompted extensive scholarly inquiry and debate. Overall, the central focus of the college sexual assault debate has centered on heterosexual female victims. As a result, academic research has hardly focused on the actual prevalence of college sexual assault for heterosexual males or for gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals of either gender. To address this empirical gap in the sexual assault literature, this study investigates both the prevalence of sexual assault and its associated factors for straight, bisexual, and gay individuals. Our analyses use data from the Online College Social Life Survey (OCSLS), which is a cross-sectional survey of 21,000 students. As has been widely reported from previous studies, we find that around one in every four heterosexual women experience sexual assault after four years in college. We also find that gay and bisexual men report sexual assault at frequencies similar to those reported by heterosexua...

Undergraduate women are at high risk of experiencing sexual assault during their college years. Research has established a strong link between sexual victimization and psychological distress. Although the relationship between sexual victimization and distress has been established, little is known about how the use of university-affiliated sexual assault resources influences mental health outcomes for survivors. The aims of this cross-sectional study were to describe the characteristics of women who used campus survivor resources following a sexual assault during college, examine correlates of campus resource use, and examine correlates and predictors of mental health of women who have been sexually assaulted during college. An online anonymous survey was sent to undergraduate women at two public universities in a mid-Atlantic state. Participants were female, undergraduate students (N = 362) who had been sexually assaulted during their time at college. Few women (n = 98, 27.1%) used campus resources following a sexual assault. We found significant relationships between participants' use of campus survivor resources and experiencing a sexual assault prior to entering college, experiencing more severe sexual assaults, acknowledging the assault as a rape, feeling more self-blame, and experiencing more psychological distress. Campus resource use was significantly associated with poorer mental health outcomes. The cross-sectional nature of this study limited our ability to explore the reason for this. Further research is needed to explore the role campus resources play in supporting survivors during the recovery process. Given the high rate of sexual assaults on college campuses and the known negative psychological impact of sexual assault, it is imperative that campuses offer resources that are effective in meeting the needs of survivors.

Substantial research documents the psychosocial benefits of sexual activity, including heightened positive affect and lowered negative affect following sexual encounters. However, it is important to examine whether affective benefits of consensual sexual activity are present among individuals who have also experienced non-consensual sexual activity (i.e. sexual assault), given that sexual assault may have harmful consequences for sexual functioning and pleasure during consensual encounters. This study tested consensual sexual activity and satisfaction as predictors of next-day positive and negative affect among 82 women sexual assault survivors. Participants completed ecological momentary assessment measures for three weeks, including measures of past-day dyadic (i.e. partnered) sexual activity and satisfaction in the morning and current affect in the afternoon. As hypothesized, dyadic sexual activity and greater than usual sexual satisfaction predicted increased next-day positive affect after controlling for past-day positive affect. In contrast, and partially supporting hypotheses, sexual satisfaction, but not activity alone, predicted lowered next-day negative affect after controlling for past-day negative affect. At the between person level, greater sexual satisfaction (but not overall frequency of dyadic sexual activity) was associated with greater positive and lower negative affect on average after controlling for several covariates. Findings indicate that satisfying dyadic sexual encounters lead to relatively long-lasting positive affect changes in women who have experienced sexual assault.