Abstract

The current study investigated non-culminating accomplishments through an experimental lens. We used a well-established paradigm for studying real-time language processing using eye-tracking, the visual world paradigm. Our study was modeled after Altmann and Kamide’s (2007) investigation of processing of aspectual information contained in a perfect verb form (e.g., has eaten). We compared English-speaking adults’ interpretations of sentences like ‘The girl has eaten a cookie’ and ‘The girl was eating a cookie’ in the context of one of two visual scenes. In the Full Completion condition, the scene depicted two referents that were compatible with the predicate: one was compatible with the expected end state of the event (e.g., an empty plate), the other with an unrealized version of the event (e.g., an uneaten cookie). In the Partial Completion condition, the scene depicted a referent that was compatible with a partially-completed version of the event (e.g., part of a cookie on a plate) and an unrealized interpretation (e.g., an uneaten cookie). For verb forms in the perfect (e.g., has eaten) but not in the progressive, we found a difference between conditions; listeners preferred to look at the fully-affected referent in the Full Completion condition as compared to the partially-affected referent in the Partial Completion condition. We take the results as suggestive in favor of a pragmatic rather than semantic account of non-culmination interpretations in English.

Highlights

  • In a paper famously titled, in part, “A language that can’t say, ‘I burned it, but it didn’t burn’ and one that can,” Ikegami (1985) presented evidence that in Japanese, perfective accomplishment and achievement predicates (e.g., I burned it) can describe events that have only completed partially

  • The results of this study contribute to our understanding of how aspectual information is integrated during online processing, with respect to partial culmination readings

  • Our question was whether this finding would extend to event referents that had only partially completed, rather than fully completed

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Summary

Introduction

In a paper famously titled, in part, “A language that can’t say, ‘I burned it, but it didn’t burn’ and one that can,” Ikegami (1985) presented evidence that in Japanese, perfective accomplishment and achievement predicates (e.g., I burned it) can describe events that have only completed partially. This phenomenon, usually referred to as a non-culminating accomplishment, has been described for typologically unrelated languages including Thai (Koenig & Muansuwan, 2000), Tamil (Pederson, 2008), Salish languages (e.g., Bar-el et al, 2005), and Hindi (Singh, 1998).

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