Race Relations in Britain

Abstract

In biology the mistaken notion of permanent racial types gave way tc that of populations many years ago.l In sociology meanwhile the term 'race relations' has continued in use to describe situations in which boundaries are erected between different categories of people who are physically distinct in a way which is taken to imply social distinctions. Central to the study of race relations is the concept of a boundary of exclusion which coincides with physical diffierence. Race relations are an object of study not because there are categories of people who are physically distinct then, but because sucll distinctions as skin colour which happen to exist have coincided with other bases of differentiation. The erection of such boundaries of exclusion is not inevitable: physical differences are not always used as a role sign, inflexible negative views which prejudge the characteristics of those physically distinct are far from universal and those within each category may be more or less haphazardly distributed over positions within a stratification system. But as Percy Cohen notes,2 when criteria of differentiation relating to power, wealth and prestige coincide with physical and frequently with cultural distinctiveness, there is likely to be a marked emphasis on social differentiation, expressed in racial or ethnic terms and giving rise to a degree of antagonism. However, whether such a structure dissolves or becomes consolidated depends on two factors: first, the disposition of interests and similar structural features and secondly the real and symbolic significance attached to the differences between groups that is, cognitive and affective differences influence perceptions of interest and the possibilities of alliance. Where there is hierarchy and a structure of social barriers facilitating its perpetuation, racial inequality is likely to become ever more firmly established. As Cohen notes, where there is racial domination, not only do the power holders have the means to perpetuate a structure of inequality, but they have the incentive to do so through the advantages it provides. Where forms of co-operation and interdependence between those who are racially distinct are a marked feature and where encounters of relative equality of status are typical, even where group characterization denies such equality, differentiation may become segmental rather than hierarchical.3 Cohen's argument allows us to identify the main questions to be