Abstract

Racial identity (in its various conceptions) has been an important explanatory variable in African-American politics. For example, with respect to policy preferences, Tate (1993) found a relationship between racial group identification and African Americans’ opinions on affirmative action; Kinder and Winter (2001) found a correlation between racial group closeness and African Americans’ support of social welfare programs; and White (2007) found that explicit and implicit racial verbal cues activate racial thinking about policy issues. Research has also shown a relationship between racial identity and other political orientations. Specifically, Tate (2003) found that “African American identification was significantly related to African American political interest and to voter participation in congressional elections; however, it was unrelated to political knowledge and to political efficacy” (142). Olsen (1970) and Verba and Nie (1972) found that African Americans with strong senses of racial identity or group consciousness participated at higher rates in politics. Dawson (2001) found that linked fate—believing that one’s fate is connected to that of the group—is a strong predictor of economic nationalism, support for African American feminist orientations and ideology, allowance for more women to become members of the clergy, and warmth for lesbians. Thus, Dawson (1994) concluded that Black identity continues to be stronger than identities based on class, gender, religion, or any other social characteristics.

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