Quasi-Islands and Quantificational Interveners

Abstract

Quantifiers such as no one, less than 3, or every have been traditionally classified among weak-island inducers (cf. Szabolcsi 2006). However, the empirical and theoretical situation is more complicated in this case than with most other weak-island inducers. First of all, most quantifiers in questions give rise to scope ambiguity. Second, quantificational islands seem to be even more context-sensitive than typical weak islands. Third, the status of upward-entailing quantifiers is not as clear as might seem from a cursory glance at the literature. The above observations, discussed in detail in this chapter, together with the fact that we can observe modal obviation with quantificational interveners as well, provide a further strong motivation for a semantic account to weak islands. No present syntactic account can integrate such a fine-grained context-sensitivity. On a semantic approach, however, such facts are expected to arise.