Abstract
This paper represents a contribution to the theory of 'substance free' phonology. The need for quantificational statements to express identity and nonidentity conditions in phonology entails the rejection of feature geometry. Feature geometric representation is insufficiently powerful, and must be replaced by an algebraic form of representation that allows the use of variables and indices for the purposes of identity checking. An attempt is made to explain apparent gaps in attestation of certain combinations of posited phonological primitives on phonetic grounds, instead of appealing to constraints on phonological computation. The paper challenges the empirical arid conceptual validity of the Obligatory Contour Principle.
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