Abstract

ObjectiveChina is emerging as an increasingly important player in the global development space, but may be less bound to compacts that aim to curb political preferencing and therefore may produce less yield in terms of impact toward Sustainable Development Goals. This research tests the hypothesis that the disproportionate aid allocation to the birth regions of the current African political leaders that applies to some sectors more than others.DesignWe applied a two-part model to first estimate the probability that a region receives an aid project. Then when at least one aid project is present in a leader’s birth region, we estimated the mean amount of aid the region received.SettingThis analysis covers 699 subnational units (first administrative level) across 44 African countries over 2000–2014. These administrative units were compiled into a region year panel resulting in 10,485 observations.ResultsBirth regions of the current political leader are significantly more likely than the average of all of the regions to receive education (1.3 percentage points), social infrastructure and services (1.2 percentage points), and energy aid (1.7 percentage points). No significant association was found between aid flows to the birth region of the current political leader in the agriculture, communication, education, government, health or transportation sectors. Within the education sector, the coefficients for birth region are positive in both parts and statistically significant. Both the probability of aid allocation and the amount of aid conditional on any projects increase in the birth region of the current political leader.ConclusionsThis sector-specific analysis provides a more nuanced picture of Chinese aid than previous analyses that determine the presence of political preference according to aggregate aid flows. The sectors where political preferencing exists are also those sectors that are typically associated with limited counterfactual-based program evaluation. We present evidence that demonstrates the importance of disaggregating aid flows in order to support a new policy framework designed to target the Sustainable Development Goals.

Highlights

  • Chinese aid, not a new phenomenon, has dramatically expanded in recent years [1]

  • No significant association was found between aid flows to the birth region of the current political leader in the agriculture, communication, education, government, health or transportation sectors

  • The coefficients for birth region are positive in both parts and statistically significant. Both the probability of aid allocation and the amount of aid conditional on any projects increase in the birth region of the current political leader

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Summary

Introduction

Not a new phenomenon, has dramatically expanded in recent years [1]. According to a recent estimate, from 2010 to 2015, emerging bilateral donors increased their annual aid by 47%; China is the biggest donor among them [2] Many of these emerging donors, including China, are not part of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC), and are not required to report their aid flows nor abide by conventional aid effectiveness principles [3]. Its self-published foreign aid flows are at the aggregate level and do not provide much insight into specific projects or recipients[1]. In response to this data transparency challenge, several estimates of Chinese aid were developed to attempt to align aid flows with OECD standards. Other analyses of Chinese aid efforts show that China’s net foreign aid was $4.5 billion dollars in 2011, $5.7 billion in 2012, and $7.1 billion in 2013 [5]

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