Abstract

In this Essay, I make a simple and somewhat impressionistic argument. I start with the suggestion that the issue of affirmative action should be settled democratically, not judicially. Certainly the Supreme Court should not invalidate most race-conscious remedial programs. But until recently, there has been little or no sustained democratic deliberation on the issue. The citizenry's ambivalence about-or hostility toward-affirmative action has been expressed mostly in private and not in public arenas. The enormous diversity of affirmative action programs, not to mention the separable justifications for and variable efficacy of each program, has not received much public attention. Some programs work well; some do not; and neither empirical data nor public judgments about their content and value have been reflected in program design. In these circumstances, the Supreme Court's apparently odd behavior-its meandering course, its refusal to issue rules-in the affirmative action context might be defended as performing a valuable catalytic function. The Court's willingness to hear a number of affirmative action cases, and its complex, rule-free, highly casuisticalI opinions, have had the salutary consequence of helping to stimulate public processes and directing the citizenry toward open discussion of underlying questions of policy and principle. In these ways, the Court's route has been far preferable to the most obvious alternatives: validation or invalidation of most affirmative action programs pursuant to clear doctrinal categories.

Highlights

  • In this Essay, I make a simple and somewhat impressionistic argument

  • The relevant cases received a good deal of public attention, but the constitutional position of affirmative action programs remained quite obscure 4

  • The Supreme Court has yet to provide a clear explanation of the principle that requires affirmative action programs to be treated so skeptically.Y Most of its argument depends on a false claim of symmetry: if discrimination against African Americans is presumptively forbidden, how can discrimination against whites be presumptively legitimate? 8 This question is anything but rhetorical

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

In this Essay, I make a simple and somewhat impressionistic argument. I start with the suggestion that the issue of affirmative action should be settled democratically, not judicially. Particularist decisions allow people, through democratic processes, to continue to debate issues, secure in the knowledge that courts have not attempted to have a final say In this respect, case-specific judgments operate as a kind of "remand" to the public for further proceedings, at least in the sense that they do not foreclose those proceedings and may even spur them through the visibility of court decisions. -whether the relevant program had been issued by Congress, by another politically accountable body, by a court, or by some other institution; -whether innocent victims were injured, and if so in a severe way;[32] The use of these numerous factors led to surprising decisions in particular cases, and outcomes were hard to predict in advance. The relevant cases received a good deal of public attention, but the constitutional position of affirmative action programs remained quite obscure 4 It was not until 1989 that the Court settled on a standard of review. The Court has done this because it has decided a large number of cases, but proceeded in a highly particularistic manner

The ConstitutionalAttack on Affirmative Action
DemocraticDebate andAffirmative Action
The Courtas Catalystin Affirmative Action
Findings
CONCLUSION
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