Abstract

Prior to age four, children succeed in non-elicited-response false-belief tasks but fail elicited-response false-belief tasks. To explain this discrepancy, the processing-load account argues that the capacity to represent beliefs emerges in infancy, as indicated by early success on non-elicited-response tasks, but that children’s ability to demonstrate this capacity depends on the processing demands of the task and children’s processing skills. When processing demands exceed young children’s processing abilities, such as in standard elicited-response tasks, children fail despite their capacity to represent beliefs. Support for this account comes from recent evidence that reducing processing demands improves young children’s performance: when demands are sufficiently reduced, 2.5-year-olds succeed in elicited-response tasks. Here we sought complementary evidence for the processing-load account by examining whether increasing processing demands impeded children’s performance in a non-elicited-response task. 3-year-olds were tested in a preferential-looking task in which they heard a change-of-location false-belief story accompanied by a picture book; across children, we manipulated the amount of linguistic ambiguity in the story. The final page of the book showed two images: one that was consistent with the main character’s false belief and one that was consistent with reality. When the story was relatively unambiguous, children looked reliably longer at the false-belief-consistent image, successfully demonstrating their false-belief understanding. When the story was ambiguous, however, this undermined children’s performance: looking times to the belief-consistent image were correlated with verbal ability, and only children with verbal skills in the upper quartile of the sample demonstrated a significant preference for the belief-consistent image. These results support the processing-load account by demonstrating that regardless of whether a task involves an elicited response, children’s performance depends on the processing demands of the task and their processing skills. These findings also have implications for alternative, deflationary accounts of early false-belief understanding.

Highlights

  • Adults routinely interpret the behavior of other individuals in terms of their underlying mental states

  • Children looked reliably longer at the original- than the current-container picture, suggesting that they attributed to Emily a false belief that the apple was in its original container and, when they heard that Emily was looking for her apple, looked longer at the image in which she acted on this belief. These results demonstrate that in the absence of linguistic ambiguity, children succeed in a preferential-looking false-belief task

  • The analysis revealed marginal effects of picture, F(1, 48) = 2.81, p = .10, η2 = .055, and condition, F(1, 48) = 3.99, p = .051, η2 = .08, as well as marginal interaction of picture with verbal ability, F(3, 48) = 2.38, p = .081, η2 = .13, and a marginal interaction of condition with verbal ability, F(3, 48) = 2.52, p = .069, η2 =

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Summary

Introduction

Adults routinely interpret the behavior of other individuals in terms of their underlying mental states. Considerable research has focused on when children first understand that individuals can be mistaken, or hold false beliefs, about the world Traditional investigations into this question used elicited-response false-belief tasks, in which children were asked direct questions about the likely behavior of an agent who held a false belief [1,2,3]. Younger children indicate Sally will look in the box, suggesting a failure to represent her false belief This widely replicated pattern of findings led to the conclusion that the capacity to attribute false beliefs to others did not emerge until at least age four [4,5]

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