Preposition doubling in Flemish and its implications for the syntax of Dutch PPs

Abstract

This paper explores the previously undiscussed phenomenon of preposition doubling in Flemish Dutch dialects. It offers an account for the properties of this phenomenon adapting the basic internal structures for Dutch PPs proposed by Koopman (2010) and Den Dikken (2010a). They argue following Van Riemsdijk (1978, 1990) that PPs contain functional structure, parallel to the verbal and nominal domain: the lexical P is dominated by a PlaceP–parallel to vP–and also a DegP, hosting degree modifiers, and a CP[Place]. We argue that doubling PPs are the result of identical spell-out of a locative P-element (PLoc) and a directional P-element (PDir), in a structure in which PLoc has a full extended projection but PDir does not. The CP[Place] in the functional layer of PLoc in doubling PPs is defective, which derives doubling as well as the distribution of R-words in these PPs. C[Place]’s defectivity also provides a window on the cross-dialectal distribution of P-doubling: the availability of P-doubling in certain dialects is correlated with the use of the directional preposition van ‘of, from’ as the introducer of infinitival clauses exhibiting NP-raising.