Abstract

Background and Objective: New and more efficient methods of gene editing have intensified the ethical and legal issues associated with editing germlines. Yet no research has separated the impact of hereditary concern on public attitudes from moral concern. This research compares the impact these two concerns have on public attitudes across five applications including, the prevention of human disease, human and animal research, animals for the use of human food and the enhancement of human appearance.Methods: A sample of 1004 Australians responded to either a telephone (n = 501; randomly selected) or online survey (n = 503; sourced by Qualtrics). Both samples were representative in terms of States and Territories as well as gender (51% female), though the online sample was younger (M = 40.64, SD = 16.98; Range = 18–87) than the telephone sample (M = 54.79, SD = 18.13; Range = 18–96). A 5 (application) by 3 (type of cell) within groups design was utilized, where all respondents reported their level of approval with scientists editing genes across the 15 different contexts. Multilevel modeling was used to examine the impact of moral (embryo vs. germ) and hereditary (germ vs. somatic) concern on attitudes across all applications.Results: Australians were comfortable with editing human and animal embryos, but only for research purposes and to enhance human health. The effect of moral concern was stronger than hereditary concern, existing in all applications except for the use of animals for human purposes. Hereditary concern was only found to influence attitudes in two applications: improving human health and human research. Moral concern was found to be accentuated amongst, women, more religious individuals and those identifying as Australian, while hereditary concern was strongest amongst non-Australians, those with stronger trust in scientists, and more religious respondents.Conclusion: Moral and hereditary concerns are distinct, and require different approaches to public education, engagement and possibly regulation. Further research needs to explore hereditary concern in relation to non-human applications, and the reasons underlying cultural and gender differences.

Highlights

  • IntroductionSince its first emergence in 2012, CRISPR-Cas (clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats) has become the most dominant of a suite of new generation of genetic editing methods

  • Since its first emergence in 2012, CRISPR-Cas9 has become the most dominant of a suite of new generation of genetic editing methods

  • A total of 1004 respondents were surveyed with an identical measurement instrument, 501 via a computer assisted telephone interview (CATI) and 503 via an online panel sample (OLP) sourced through Qualtrics4 Both samples were stratified by state and territory, with the OLP being stratified by gender

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Summary

Introduction

Since its first emergence in 2012, CRISPR-Cas (clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats) has become the most dominant of a suite of new generation of genetic editing methods. A multitude of applications and “breakthroughs” are predicted, including the elimination of pests and diseases, advances in food production, improved human health, and even changes to the course of evolution (Funnell, 2016; Park, 2016; Doudna and Sternberg, 2017). These claims are not new, with the promise of cures for diseases and more nutritious food crops, for example, existing since the advent of genetic engineering in the 1970’s (Hogan, 2016). This research compares the impact these two concerns have on public attitudes across five applications including, the prevention of human disease, human and animal research, animals for the use of human food and the enhancement of human appearance

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