Abstract
In this article, the author has shown how postcolonial religious praxis has contributed to political oppression in Zimbabwe. This is done by analysing prophetic messages of hope in the face of economic trajectories and argued that prophetic discourses have, covertly and overtly, become a stratagem for political oppression. To this end, religious leaders play a leading role in the zombification of people to accept oppression and marginalisation, thereby relegating citizens to the periphery. To develop this article, the author has analysed incidents associated with Prophets Walter Magaya and Emmanuel Makandiwa, and the Mapostori movement in Zimbabwe. The author has used decoloniality as a lens to challenge postcolonial prophetic hope that contributes to oppression. He is guided by two questions: (1) How have Magaya, Makandiwa and the Mapostori contributed to sustained political oppression whilst acting on the pretext of giving people hope? (2) What could be done for Christians to free themselves from a captured theology of hope? The author argues that religion that is premised on political ambivalence with the aim of oppressing and sustaining oppression does not deserve a place in democratic society; thus, there is a need to confront religious narratives, enact uncaptured theology and move towards the criticalisation of religious curriculum in Zimbabwe. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article is interdisciplinary in the sense that it touches issues such as politics, religion, sociology and education. In this article, the author has shown how all these disciplines come into play and that malfunction of religion can contribute to oppression and underdevelopment in a society.
Highlights
Most religious leaders of the colonial period were active in the political affairs of Zimbabwe and contributed to Zimbabwe achieving independence in 1980 through upholding liberation and black theology
The argument that this article develops is centred on the notion that politicians and their affiliations, in order to foster and sustain the structural entrenchment of poverty, have used some religious leaders, and corruption in the continent, in a number of ways (Agbiji & Swart 2013), and one of these ways is through preaching hope
No nation can strive beyond the integrity of its leaders; it is critical that issues of leadership, especially within religious circles, are discussed and problematised, especially if religious leaders contribute to oppression knowingly and unknowingly
Summary
Most religious leaders of the colonial period were active in the political affairs of Zimbabwe and contributed to Zimbabwe achieving independence in 1980 through upholding liberation and black theology. The author argues that the nature and praxis of religion in some postcolonial states present serious trajectories that contribute indirectly to sustaining poverty and suffering Once people put their confidence in prophetic movements, such as the Mapostori, especially those infiltrated by political alliances, it is likely that the Mapostori’s participation in society remains questionable, and even undesirable. As suggested by Ramón (2011:7), this will give rise to a geopolitics of knowledge based on ‘critical decolonial thinking emerging as a critique of modernity towards a pluriversal transmodern world of multiple and diverse ethico-political projects in which a real horizontal dialogue and communication’, as opposed to accepting prophetic discourses and prophecies, without subjecting them into critical thinking This uncaptured theology of hope supports a better future, whether prophetical or not, on condition that issues of social justice, accountability, democracy and transparency are significant characteristics of the church and the government. The author opines that religious education must start to confront issues of social injustice, lack of democracy and the issues that have been sugar-coated with religion
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