Post-War Anglo-Irish Relations

"Our Dead Chief:"The Irish Press and the Death of Parnell Michael de Nie Sometimes imperious, always emotionally distant, Charles Stewart Parnell (1846–91) was an enigma even to his closest companions. Nonetheless, with unceasing resolve and supreme self-confidence Parnell bent others to his will and transformed Irish nationalism. But, at the peak of his popularity and influence he suffered a sudden and terrible fall and was subsequently hounded to the grave by the braying British press and sanctimonious Irish Catholic prelates. Or so the story goes. These well-worn narratives of Parnell's rise and fall have deeply influenced both popular memory and academic study of the Irish leader. The meaning of Parnell and Parnellism, however, has always been contested, from the biographies that appeared within weeks of his death up to the present day.1 One of the prime theaters of this contest was the Irish newspaper press—where the majority of the Irish public learned of the leader's death and read the first postmortem meditations on his life and career. The story of the Parnell Split is well known, but it is helpful to begin with a quick overview of the key events and how the Irish newspapers positioned themselves during the controversy. In December 1889, Captain William O'Shea [End Page 106] sued his wife Katherine for divorce, naming Parnell as co-respondent. Parnell and Katherine had been carrying on an affair since late 1880 and he had fathered two of her daughters, yet he was amazingly confident that the messy divorce proceedings would have no impact on his political career. The initial response seemed to justify Parnell's sanguinity, as his political allies rallied to his side and the bishops remained silent. The trial proved extremely embarrassing to Parnell, who offered no defense in order that the divorce be granted so that he might marry Katherine. A decree nisi (that is, a ruling that the divorce could proceed) was delivered on November 17, 1890, but Parnell's supporters reasserted their loyalty at a November 20 meeting in Dublin and then re-elected him chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party on November 25. On that same evening, things began to unravel for Parnell after William Gladstone published a letter in a special edition of the Pall Mall Gazette indicating that he could not continue to work for home rule with the Irish Party if Parnell remained its leader. With his Nonconformist political base scandalized by the conduct revealed at the trial, Gladstone knew that he could not continue the Liberal-Irish alliance unless Parnell stepped aside. The choice was now Parnell or Home Rule, and within a week many of those who had proclaimed the Chief indispensable now called for him to step down. Parnell's position was further undermined over the next two weeks by the publication of his badly received Manifesto and statements from the delegates in America and the Irish Catholic hierarchy. On December 6, a majority of the Irish MPs voted to repudiate the Chief, splitting the party. Over the next ten months what remained of Parnell's support in Ireland steady evaporated as he was attacked across the Irish press and his rump party lost several by-elections. A somewhat pathetic figure by the fall of 1891, Parnell died suddenly on October 6. Generally speaking, the Irish press followed the same trajectory as the Irish Parliamentary Party. The majority of newspapers strongly supported Parnell in the week or so after the divorce decree was issued. Like the Irish MPs, they began to peel away from the leader after Gladstone's letter was published. By the time the party officially split, the majority of Irish newspapers had already come out against Parnell, although with varying degrees of vehemence. Of the thirty-five newspapers examined for this paper, five remained true to Parnell, twelve were anti-Parnellite, eleven were Unionist, and three were nonpolitical newspapers that tried to avoid taking a position. The remaining four newspapers can be regarded as special cases. The weekly United Ireland came out strongly against the Chief in early December but was reclaimed for Parnell after a mob, led by the man himself, famously attacked the...

Reviewed by: Politics, Religion and the Press: Irish Journalism in Mid-Victorian England Michael De Nie Politics, Religion and the Press: Irish Journalism in Mid-Victorian England, by Anthony McNicholas, pp. 370. Bern: Peter Lang, 2007. $84.95. The nineteenth-century Irish newspaper press has been largely ignored by historians. This is strange, for two reasons. First, as in Britain, the Victorian era in Ireland witnessed an explosion in the number and variety of local, regional, and national newspapers. Second, the nineteenth century is the most studied and arguably, the most important, era in the history of Anglo-Irish relations—a history in which Irish newspapers played no small part. Historians of physical force and constitutional nationalists in Ireland and the United States have, of course, acknowledged the role of the press in fund raising, political organization, and the spread of national feeling, even if they have not made news-papers their particular object of study. Rather less—or truthfully, almost nothing—has been said of the Irish press in Britain. Although the Irish experience in Victorian Britain has been one of the more vibrant fields of inquiry in the past twenty years, newspapers and the role they played in diasporic Irish nationalism have been largely overlooked. Anthony McNicholas's Politics, Religion and the Press represents the first of what one hopes will be many forays into this topic. This book is particularly valuable because it not only offers detailed case studies of three London Irish papers, but also skillfully analyzes the political and religious contexts within which they operated and eventually, and sometimes quickly, failed. McNicholas has selected three newspapers active in the 1860s, when, owing to the immigration of the famine years, it became possible to establish a popular Irish press in Britain. The mid century press contained numerous short-lived ventures, but even in a time when publishing was volatile, two of the three papers McNicholas examines were strikingly ephemeral. Only one, the Universal News (1860–1869), lasted more than a year,with the Irish Liberator hanging on for ten months (October, 1863 to July, 1864) and the Irish News managing a mere four issues in the spring of 1867. After considerable detective work across a range of scattered and incomplete sources, McNicholas has managed to assemble a surprisingly detailed account of the editorship, shareholders, and distribution of these newspapers, as well as the intramural conflicts and funding woes they shared with most fledgling periodicals. But this book offers much more than three institutional histories. McNicholas is concerned above all with the role of these papers in relations between the two most important forces in the mid-century Irish community in Britain, the Catholic church and the Fenians. By the 1860s both groups, for their own reasons, desired to use the popular press to reach the significant number of Irishmen and women living in Britain. The Fenians and [End Page 146] such associated organizations as the National Brotherhood of St. Patrick were engaged in a transatlantic effort to rekindle Irish national feeling and secure Ireland's independence through armed revolution. The Catholic church was seeking to maintain contact with, organize, and protect from Protestant proselytizers the recent huge influx of lower-class Irish Catholics, many of them only nominally churched. Owing to the wide dispersal of the immigrant population, the church played a central role in the social organization of Irish life in Britain and exercised considerable influence on the dealers and shops that specialized in Catholic literature and newspapers. Although the distribution networks for these newspapers were organized on confessional lines—nondenominational papers, Catholic papers, and so on—the exact identity of their audience was sometimes contested. The simplest rendering of the question editors faced is, should the readers be addressed as Irish or as Catholic? In its early years the editors of the Universal News and their clerical allies believed that the readership could be identified as both equally, even if addressing the mas such quickly drove away English Catholic or Protestant readers. But as the secular separatist nationalist movement grew, the relationship between the church and the journalists became increasingly brittle."And it was this relationship," McNicholas argues, "more than the poverty, or lack...

This paper examines the response of an influential Irish newspaper, the Irish Press, to the development of North-South relations and the outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in 1968-9. It outlines the newspaper's sceptical attitude towards North-South cooperation and argues that this constituted a break with the Press's traditionally supportive stance vis-a-vis the Fianna Fail party. The paper shows how editorial perceptions of both Ulster Unionists and the northern political minority were affected by events, but also how traditional anti-partitionism exercised a dominant influence. Although the Press reacted quickly in terms of news coverage to the outbreak of conflict in Northern Ireland in October 1968, its editorial opinions on civil rights and on violence in the North were confused and sometimes inconsistent. Within a few months, however, a consistently militant editorial line began to emerge, with the Press issuing aggressive warnings to Unionists and the British government and preparing its readership for southern intervention in Northern Ireland.

Medals, Rings, and Olympic Dreams: A Review Essay of Antonio Sotomayor and Cesar R. Torres, eds., <i>Olimpismo</i>

&lt;p align="JUSTIFY"&gt;&lt;span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-size: medium;"&gt;Sport uważa się za uosobienie procesów międzykulturowych dzięki łączeniu ludzi w zgodnych działaniach przy jednoczesnym generowaniu konfliktów między nimi. Ta dwoistość sportu często znajduje odbicie w medialnych sprawozdaniach z imprez sportowych. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia rezultat badań nad tekstami w prasie brytyjskiej i irlandzkiej poświęconymi finałom Mistrzostw Europy w piłce nożnej (Euro 212) rozgrywanym w Polsce i na Ukrainie, prowadzonych pod kątem ich międzykulturowego oddziaływania. Ton doniesień w gazetach pochodzących z dwu sąsiednich krajów i często należących do tych samych koncernów okazał się bardzo różny. Prasa brytyjska nie dostrzegła obszarów kulturowego zbliżenia między gospodarzami a gośćmi mistrzostw, przyjmując taktykę powielania znanych swoim czytelnikom historycznie utrwalonych stereotypów kulturowego i cywilizacyjnego zacofania Europy Wschodniej. Relacje o kulturowej interakcji Polaków i Irlandczyków zamieszczane w prasie irlandzkiej, choć w większości bardzo pozytywne, także opierały się na stereotypach i banalnych uogólnieniach o obu nacjach. Badanie wykazało, że zarówno doniesienia w prasie brytyjskiej jak i w irlandzkiej rządziły się wewnętrzna logiką i interesami tych mediów, a nie troską o jakość efektów międzykulturowych. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align="CENTER"&gt; &lt;/p&gt;

The 2014 Referendum on Scottish independence sparked debate on every dimension of modern statehood. Levels of public interest and engagement were unprecedented, as demonstrated by record-breaking voter turnout. Yet aside from Trident, the issue of security was relatively neglected in the campaigns, and there remains a lack of literature on the topic. In this volume Andrew Neal has collated a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives on security and constitutional change in Scotland and the UK, including writing from experts in foreign policy analysis, intelligence studies, parliamentary studies, and journalism. Security in a Small Nation provides an illuminating analysis of the politics of security. Its authors reflect on a number of related issues including international comparisons, alliances, regional cooperation, terrorism, intelligence sharing, democratic oversight, and media coverage. It has a particular focus on what security means for small states and democratic politics. The book draws on current debates about the extent of intelligence powers and their implications for accountability, privacy, and human rights. It examines the foreign and security policy of other small states through the prism of Scottish independence, providing unique insight into the bureaucratic and political processes associated with multi-level security governance. These contributions provide a detailed picture of the changing landscape of security, including the role of diverse and decentralised agencies, and new security interdependencies within and between states. The analysis presented in this book will inform ongoing constitutional debates in the UK and the study of other secessionist movements around the world. Security in a Small Nation is essential reading for any follower of UK and Scottish politics, and those with an interest in security and nationhood on a global scale.

In recent years scholars have endeavored to broaden and complicate our understanding of Irish engagements with the British and other empires. Jill Bender has rightly noted that the questions historians are asking about Ireland and empire have changed. ‘Rather than look to Ireland’s participation in the Empire for insight into Ireland’s colonial status’, she explains, ‘historians have begun to unpack these contributions for insight into the imperial experience’.1 In some cases this has meant challenging long-held conceptions about Nationalist imperial resistance, while others have productively explored how numerous Irishmen and Irish families took advantage of the many financial and professional opportunities available to them within the British Empire.2 By far the most numerous and visible Irish people serving in the Empire were soldiers, hence the truism that the English paid the Scots to run their Empire for them and the Irish to fight for it. While scholars have noted the large numbers of Irishmen in the Victorian army, outside of military historians few have devoted much attention to Irish soldiers.3 This chapter will examine the major themes in Irish newspaper commentary on imperial soldiering during the Egyptian and Sudanese crises of 1882–85, arguably the highest-profile imperial military conflicts between the Indian Rebellion/Mutiny and the Boer War, in order to explore how contemporaries understood the connections between the Empire, Irish service within it, and the national question.

Irish newspaper and periodical production at the end of the nineteenth century coincided with an era of remarkable political change on the island: the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland, agitation for land reform, the emergence of Parnellite politics, and the establishment of the Home Rule movement. Such events, all well covered in the Irish press by the 1870s, set the stage for the nationalist campaign in the 1880s and beyond. It is no accident that the very public debates surrounding these matters in both the “serious” press and in the comic papers should have occurred at just this point in time. A substantial increase in the number of papers published, as well as an increase in those that declared a nationalist political allegiance, coincided with technological advances in the newspaper business.1 Ireland was frequently in the English news, and as such, a journalistic contest can be found between the English and the increasingly robust Irish responses to events that were identified as crucial to both.2 It is only after 1870, though, that a critical mass of illustrated material can be traced in the Irish sphere, and it is the purpose of this chapter to try to understand the ways in which this material contributed to the campaign to popularize the nationalist movement. Popularly priced, profusely illustrated, the new papers bridged the gap between the high seriousness of much nationalist journalism and the searing social commentary found in English papers like Punch.

The history of the newspaper press in the nineteenth century is littered with the bodies of newspapers started with high hopes and varying aims which failed for an equally varied number of reasons, like insufficient capital, local indifference to the cause supported and the strength of rival newspapers. in the eighteenth century the provincial newspaper press consisted of ‘scissors and paste’ journals, normally produced by the local printer, who added local advertisements, to news from the London papers. The problems in charting Irish newspapers in Victorian Britain are endless but highly instructive. The Irish journalist might expect greater acceptability for his national preoccupations in the Catholic press. The Irishness of British journalism was largely a first-generation matter, often with an early career in Irish journalism behind the literary invaders. The system of politico-religious agencies for newspaper distribution, had long been basic to Ireland.

List of illustrations Preface 1. The early Irish press 2. The newspaper businessmen 3. The business of newspaper printing 4. Newspaper circulation and distribution 5. The publisher and his public 6. The chronicles of news 7. The maturing press 8. Literature and criticism in the Irish press 9. The political journals Appendix: The government and press prosecutions Bibliography Index.

Following the establishment of the Irish Free State in the 1920s, the continuing levels of emigration from Ireland came as a disappointment to many who believed that British colonialism had caused and perpetuated the emigration problem. Within this context, there was a need to explain emigration in ways that deflected blame away from the new state authorities. In this article, the author contributes to a gendered analysis of these shifting constructions of emigration. Drawing upon Irish newspapers of the period, she suggests that the figure of the 'emigrant girl' was central to post-colonial discourses on emigration. During the 1930s, the emigration of thousands of young Irish women to English cities such as London sparked widespread comment and criticism. The Irish press and the Catholic hierarchy in particular propagated an image of these vulnerable young women as lost and alone in the big, bad cities of England. The author analyses the ways in which the 'emigrant girl' embodied specific representations of place, culture and gendered identity; the 'emigrant girl' embodied an Irishness marked by religion, culture and landscape. Through her transgression of physical, cultural and religious spaces, she encountered loneliness, danger and the risk of denationalisation.

This chapter provides a review of existing literature on the shifting representations of feminist activism in the press from the 1900s to 2017, as well as a discussion of the ways feminists have created their own print materials to agitate for social change. The chapter also provides two original case studies, including how militant Irish suffrage campaigners were represented in the Irish press for protesting the 1912 Home Rule Bill, and how the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement was represented in six Irish newspapers from 1970-1982. Overall, the chapter identifies a gap in research particularly around Irish feminists and the press, who were active, but less studied compared to their British counterparts.

In mid-December 1846, British and Irish newspapers reported the news of surgical etherization far more extensively than previously described. Reports about etherization had appeared at least 20 British and Irish newspapers in the days before Robert Liston's first operations under etherization on December 21, 1846. These reports were based on four separate accounts, 2 of which could be traced to New York, and 1 account had been published in a Parisian newspaper Galignani's Messenger on December 9, 1846.

Queen Elizabeth’s visit to the Irish Republic in May 2011 was seen by many as a significant moment in the long process of normalisation in Anglo-Irish relations, facilitated by the peace process in Northern Ireland. For journalists, it was a newsworthy story because it captured the values of this process of peace-making in a concrete, organised media event, involving high-profile heads of state, official speeches and photo opportunities. This article examines the representation of this state visit in British and in Irish daily newspapers, and finds similar coverage across a number of shared themes. Journalists in both countries supported the conciliatory message embedded in the media event, with very little questioning, and marginalised voices of opposition. This approach contributed to an ideological consensus that the conflict between the two countries was in the past, with conciliation and collaboration the only future.

The black British press has since its inception in 1900 been rooted in several connected struggles. They are: the push for African and Caribbean independence, and the creation of a collective cultural and political black identity based in African roots; the formation of community and belonging for largely Caribbean immigrants following the post-World War II mass migration, and the reflection and reinforcement of identity for black British-born citizens outside of white political, social, economic and cultural hegemony. However, it has not only played a pivotal role in addressing issues of liberation and community building, but also in helping to define the public discourse surrounding the definition of what it means to be both black and British, not just for blacks, but for the entire British society. This chapter examines the history of black British newspapers and periodicals through these three distinct periods of social change and the critical role they have played in each of them.