Abstract
In November of 2003, I received an e-mail from Diana, a 26 year old Hungarian Ph.D.-student of archaeology and Egyptology. She is also interested in gender studies, she wrote me, especially in the cult of female goddesses. She also sent me the article on this topic that she had recently published in the very mainstream Hungarian journal of religious studies, theReview of History of the Church. In this article, she refers to articles published in English, French, German and Italian, quoting sources in Latin and in Ancient Greek. In the e-mail, Diana asked for my help to give suggestions about literature on re-interpreting the role of women in religion because she was familiar with my work on populism, religion and gender. Before the reader starts believing that I am using this very precious occasion to celebrate the developing communication between two generations of female scholars in Hungary, I would like to continue the story with a police report issued on the 23 June in 2004. In this police report, it was announced that, posters announcing a meeting of the so-calledGroup of Hungarian Futurehad been placed on the main boulevard of Budapest Arrow Cross. As is well known, the Arrow Cross was the Hungarian Nazi Party before and during World War II. The Group which is so concerned about the so-called Hungarian Future has 27 members and the founder of this group is Diana.
Highlights
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It was announced that, posters announcing a meeting of the so-called Group of Hungarian Future had been placed on the main boulevard of Budapest Arrow Cross
In the interview published in a Hungarian daily newspaper, Diana said that from her birth she has been a dedicated national socialist, and that an inside voice told her that this ideology could not be negative
Summary
In a recent article[3] Vivian Grosswald Curran quoted Ernst Cassirer who had argued that the only kind of constitutional law that can work is that which represents a “constitution written in the citizens’ mind”. The post-1945 Soviet controlled Eastern European states instrumentalized the fragmentation of the memory of World War II for a mediated past This Manichean struggle for power (“anti-fascist communists against fascist reactionaries”) denied millions of people the right to mourn, and ranked personal losses according to political needs.[8] As Jay Winter and Emmanuel Sivan have pointed out, “collective memory is not what everybody thinks”,9 it can belong to smaller communities, can be produced, cultivated, and constructed at the level of families or smaller communities. FROM IDEOLOGY TO IDENTITY 267, 271 (ENRIQUE LARANA ET AL., EDS., 1994)
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