Abstract

This paper presents the results from a linguistically-oriented discourse-completion questionnaire administered in Nikkei-Brazilian (Japanese Brazilian) communities, examining in particular: (1) the use of polite language forms, (2) terms used to address one’s spouse, as well as (3) the social characteristics and cultural backgrounds of the informants (e.g., age, sex, generation, nationality, place of birth, place of residence, whether they have lived in the Colonia (i.e., rural communities originally established as exclusively Japanese settlements), where their parents come from, education, and their first language). In this paper, I argue that the use of polite language forms in Nikkei-Brazilian Japanese reflects the different social histories that the two groups identified in this study have been through. The first group consists of those who have experience of Colonia society, whose characteristic use of polite language forms includes: (a) traditional Japanese spousal address terms, such as otoo-san or otoo-chan (father) when the wife addresses her spouse, and okaa-san or okaa-chan (mother) when the husband addresses his spouse; (b) the Western Japanese dialectal polite suffixes -reru/-rareru; and (c) exalting and humbling polite language forms which indicate the relative social positions of the addressees. The second group consists of those who reside in urban areas without experience of life in the Colonia, whose characteristic use of polite language forms includes: (a) Brazilian Portuguese spousal address terms; (b) the use of polite language forms which show the speaker’s friendliness and distance-reducing; and (c) a greater use of standard polite language forms, namely -desu, -masu.

Highlights

  • In the standard Japanese language, polite language forms are ornately structured and highly prescribed so that one cannot communicate without them, whereas in nonstandard dialects of Japanese, they tend to be simpler and have smaller repertories

  • Issei, the first generation, refers only to those who migrated to Brazil before the age of six; adult immigrants are not included as Nikkei-Brazilians in this study, because they have already passed the critical period of language acquisition

  • The arrow drawn with a large curve in the figure indicates the direction of the big stream of change in Nikkei-Brazilian Japanese

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Summary

Introduction

In the standard Japanese language, polite language forms are ornately structured and highly prescribed so that one cannot communicate without them, whereas in nonstandard dialects of Japanese, they tend to be simpler and have smaller repertories. Issei, the first generation, refers only to those who migrated to Brazil before the age of six; adult immigrants are not included as Nikkei-Brazilians in this study, because they have already passed the critical period of language acquisition. I first describe the history of the Nikkei-Brazilians during the periods both before and after the Second World War, paying attention to the demographics of immigrants in each period In accordance with agreements between the Japanese and Brazilian governments, from 1908 until 1941 when indentured labor migration began, some 200,000 Japanese immigrated to Brazil. The demographics of these immigrants suggest a diverse but stable population. Only 15.5% of the Japanese immigrants were Christians

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