Abstract
The main purpose of the article is to present the activities undertaken by decision-making centres and public administration entities in Poland in relation to protests against the restriction of abortion law. These protests took place during the second wave of the pandemic and continue. It all started with the judgment of the Constitutional Court, which decided to restrict abortion law in Poland, so far there was a so-called abortion compromise, which allowed abortions to be carried out in three specific cases. The verdict met with resistance from a large part of society and triggered protests that turned into large-scale public gatherings, despite the coronavirus pandemic. During this period assemblies were reduced or banned completely, which may be one symptom of using by the government the strategy of militant democracy. The study’s focus is primarily on the activities taken by decision-making centers with regard to protesters. The analysis makes it possible to explain the ways and causes of protests and public gatherings held despite the restrictions introduced to prevent the spread of the virus. On this basis, it introduces recommendations to the government to restore stability in the state and end the protests.
Highlights
The issue of abortion in Poland was regulated on the basis of the Law of 1993, the so-called abortion compromise that allows abortion to be carried out in three clearly defined cases
It is much simpler to divide that oral activity with regard to the ruling party, which has a highly coherent discourse, in the face of the crisis caused by protests and the issue of restricting abortion law, the first divisions within the party began to occur
Subsequent attempts at change ended with mass protests, up to the last ones that took place during the coronavirus pandemic
Summary
The issue of abortion in Poland was regulated on the basis of the Law of 1993, the so-called abortion compromise that allows abortion to be carried out in three clearly defined cases. These cases are: 1) pregnancy which poses a risk to health or life of the woman; 2) a high likelihood irreversible foetal impairment or an incurable life-threatening disease; 3) suspicion that pregnancy is the result of a criminal act e.g., rape (Act of 7 January 1993). Despite the existence of this regulation, several attempts have already been made in Poland to amend the law, usually to restrict it. The first serious attempt took place in 2016 by referring to the work of
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