Abstract

Limited information and insufficient resources are inherent challenges for climate policy, and policy makers must grapple with how to design and implement adaptation policies under conditions of scarcity. Drawing on empirical evidence from Honduras, Ethiopia, Haiti, and Puerto Rico, and analysis of the global landscape of adaptation finance, this perspective identifies ways that designing policy under conditions of scarcity can inadvertently lead to adaptation policies that reinforce inequality and fail to address underlying social vulnerabilities. It reflects on two sources of scarcity that impact adaptation policy—lack of data and lack of finance—and acknowledges that despite the non-ideal conditions this scarcity creates, adaptation policy will be designed under these conditions. The perspective highlights issues to be aware of when designing adaptation policy and calls for greater attention to the social justice implications in the policy design process. Limited information and insufficient resources are inherent challenges for climate policy, and policy makers must grapple with how to design and implement adaptation policies under conditions of scarcity. Drawing on empirical evidence from Honduras, Ethiopia, Haiti, and Puerto Rico, and analysis of the global landscape of adaptation finance, this perspective identifies ways that designing policy under conditions of scarcity can inadvertently lead to adaptation policies that reinforce inequality and fail to address underlying social vulnerabilities. It reflects on two sources of scarcity that impact adaptation policy—lack of data and lack of finance—and acknowledges that despite the non-ideal conditions this scarcity creates, adaptation policy will be designed under these conditions. The perspective highlights issues to be aware of when designing adaptation policy and calls for greater attention to the social justice implications in the policy design process. Limited information and insufficient resources are inherent challenges for climate policy, and policy makers must grapple with how to design and implement adaptation policies under conditions of scarcity. These challenges are particularly acute for developing countries with weak historical climate data and where resources to implement adaptation policies must compete with other urgent priorities. However, it is widely acknowledged that developing countries will be the most impacted by climate change and urgently need adaptation policies to reduce vulnerability and increase resilience. This creates a particular challenge, as the very conditions that hamper the policy-making process contribute to the urgency of adaptation policy in these contexts. However, adaptation policy also provides an opportunity to address social justice priorities, as adaptation policy can be designed to reduce structural vulnerability and inequality. Despite the challenges scarcity creates, ensuring that adaptation policy prioritizes social justice should not be compromised. The goal of this perspective is to reflect on two key sources of scarcity that can impact adaptation policy: lack of information and lack of finance, and how this scarcity creates challenges for designing and implementing socially just adaptation policy. The term “adaptation policy” refers to the diverse strategies that institutions, particularly government institutions, use to address the impacts of climate change, including climate variability and extremes, and includes a mix of policies and measures.1Mimura N. Pulwarty R.S. Elshinnawy I. Redsteer M.H. Huang H.Q. Nkem J.N. Rodriguez R.A.S. Moss R. Vergara W. Darby L.S. Kato S. Adaptation planning and implementation.in: Climate Change 2014 Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability: Part A: Global and Sectoral Aspects. Cambridge University Press, 2014: 869-898Google Scholar I argue that scarcity of data and finance not only makes adaptation policy making more challenging overall, but specifically make it more difficult to ensure that adaptation policies are socially just. By socially just adaptation policy, I refer to the process of policy design, the beneficiaries of adaptation policy, and the outcomes of adaptation policy. A socially just adaptation policy is inclusive in its design process, targets the most vulnerable, and includes adaptation approaches that address underlying vulnerabilities and inequalities, rather than relying solely on technical fixes to climate impacts. Due to the incentives created by scarcity, and the ways that scarcity, real or perceived, influence the policy process, policy making under conditions of scarcity is less likely to result in socially just policies, unless explicit measures are taken to ensure inclusive adaptation processes that address underlying vulnerabilities and inequality. Ten years after the world agreed that mitigation and adaptation should be equal priorities in Cancun, the field is now sufficiently advanced to reflect on the dynamics of scarcity and strategies to advance adaptation policy despite a continued lack of data and finance. Gone are the days in which adaptation was viewed as the “ugly stepchild” of climate policy; when an articulation of the need for adaptation was viewed as an admission of failure on mitigation.2Khan M.R. Roberts T. Adaptation and international climate policy.Wiley Interdiscip. Rev. Clim. Change. 2013; 4: 171-189Crossref Scopus (80) Google Scholar Despite significant progress, however, a pervasive “adaptation gap” remains.3Fankhauser S. McDermott T.K. Understanding the adaptation deficit: why are poor countries more vulnerable to climate events than rich countries?.Glob. Environ. Change. 2014; 27: 9-18Crossref Scopus (96) Google Scholar,4UNEPThe Adaptation Gap Report 2018. UNEP, 2018Google Scholar Together, a lack of information and finance present formidable barriers for adaptation policy. While the ways that scarcity of information and finance serve as barriers to adaptation are widely discussed in the literature, this perspective acknowledges that, given the urgency of climate change, these are conditions under which adaptation policy will be designed. I identify ways that designing policy under these conditions can inadvertently lead to adaptation policies that reinforce inequality and fail to address underlying social vulnerabilities unless countered by a commitment to social justice principles, and call for greater attention to the social justice implications in the policy design process. Rather than a comprehensive review of barriers to adaptation policy (see Biesbroek et al.5Biesbroek G.R. Klostermann J.E. Termeer C.J. Kabat P. On the nature of barriers to climate change adaptation.Reg. Environ. Change. 2013; 13: 1119-1129Crossref Scopus (337) Google Scholar) this perspective focuses on the implications of insufficient data and finance on adaptation policy design at the national level. It is motivated by reflections from my empirical research in Honduras, Ethiopia, Haiti, and Puerto Rico, as well as analysis of the global adaptation finance landscape. Adaptation across scales is important,6Adger W.N. Arnell N.W. Tompkins E.L. Successful adaptation to climate change across scales.Glob. Environ. Change. 2005; 15: 77-86Crossref Scopus (1742) Google Scholar but the national level is particularly relevant, as national governments create the enabling conditions for local adaptation, serve as the primary intermediaries with the international system,1Mimura N. Pulwarty R.S. Elshinnawy I. Redsteer M.H. Huang H.Q. Nkem J.N. Rodriguez R.A.S. Moss R. Vergara W. Darby L.S. Kato S. Adaptation planning and implementation.in: Climate Change 2014 Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability: Part A: Global and Sectoral Aspects. Cambridge University Press, 2014: 869-898Google Scholar and are particularly well suited to address systemic issues of structural vulnerabilities and equity. A lack of data or information is often the first barrier identified for adaptation policy development.1Mimura N. Pulwarty R.S. Elshinnawy I. Redsteer M.H. Huang H.Q. Nkem J.N. Rodriguez R.A.S. Moss R. Vergara W. Darby L.S. Kato S. Adaptation planning and implementation.in: Climate Change 2014 Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability: Part A: Global and Sectoral Aspects. Cambridge University Press, 2014: 869-898Google Scholar,7Berrang-Ford L. Ford J.D. Paterson J. Are we adapting to climate change?.Glob. Environ. Change. 2011; 21: 25-33Crossref Scopus (538) Google Scholar, 8Dessai S. Hulme M. Lempert R. Pielke Jr., R. Climate Prediction: A Limit to Adaptation. Adapting to Climate Change: Thresholds, Values. Governance, 2009: 64-78Google Scholar, 9Füssel H.-M. Adaptation planning for climate change: concepts, assessment approaches, and key lessons.Sustain. Sci. 2007; 2: 265-275Crossref Scopus (523) Google Scholar, 10Srinivasan G. Rafisura K.M. Subbiah A. Climate information requirements for community-level risk management and adaptation.Clim. Res. 2011; 47: 5-12Crossref Scopus (29) Google Scholar Data of numerous kinds are scarce in developing countries, but of particular importance for adaptation policy is climate data: both historical climate data and projections of future climate. Vulnerability assessments that integrate climate data with socioeconomic data are also important data sources for adaptation policy.11Miller F. Bowen K. Questioning the assumptions: the role of vulnerability assessments in climate change adaptation.Impact Assess. Project Appraisal. 2013; 31: 190-197Crossref Scopus (21) Google Scholar Lack of information contributes to policy uncertainty: the directionality and scale of climate impacts and projected changes can be highly uncertain. Lack of evidence regarding the effectiveness of different adaptation strategies and how to choose among them create additional uncertainty. This section examines: (1) the role of data in policy making in data scarce contexts and (2) what, beyond data, influence adaptation decision making and how this impacts the types of adaptation strategies that get prioritized. Significant efforts are in place to increase access to data for adaptation decision making, which will improve the capacity of developing countries to design evidence-based policies, but policy continues to be made under conditions of data scarcity, with important implications for vulnerability reduction and social justice. In guidance to policy makers, data are presented as the essential foundation for policy making. The adaptation policy process is frequently described as a series of steps, beginning with the identification of hazards or risks, continuing with a vulnerability assessment, moving to a comparison of policy options, often involving quantitative approaches, such as cost-benefit analysis or multi-criteria analysis, which leads to the selection of a policy. Monitoring and evaluation to assess the effectiveness of policy and inform future policy is also frequently included (Figure 1). For example, the Adaptation Database and Planning Tool (ADAPT), a widely promoted Excel-based tool by ICLEI, takes potential project activities, integrates hazard maps, and climate projections, resulting in a climate risk assessment that ranks activities according to their sensitivity, and produces a color-coded list of adaptation options.12ICLEIAdaptation Database and Planning Tool: ADAPT.iclei.usa.org/tools/adaptDate: 2019Google Scholar The Adaptation Support Tool, designed by Climate-ADAPT to support adaptation across Europe, includes six steps: (1) preparing the ground for adaptation, (2) assessing risks and vulnerabilities to climate change, (3) identifying adaptation options, (4) assessing adaptation options, (5) implementation, and (6) monitoring and evaluation.13Climate-ADAPT “The adaptation support tool” climate-ADAPT: sharing adaptation information across Europe.https://climate-adapt.eea.europa.eu/knowledge/tools/adaptation-support-toolDate: 2020Google Scholar This process is highly data dependent. Many developing countries do not have rich data on climate impacts, risks, or vulnerabilities upon which to base their policies, nor sufficient capacity to analyze complex data and employ it in policy design.14Rogers D.P. Tsirkunov V.V. Weather and Climate Resilience: Effective Preparedness through National Meteorological and Hydrological Services. The World Bank, 2013Crossref Google Scholar,15Ryan D. Bustos E. Knowledge gaps and climate adaptation policy: a comparative analysis of six Latin American countries.Clim. Policy. 2019; 19: 1297-1309Crossref Scopus (7) Google Scholar As a result, one of the first things many countries invest in is climate information (CI) systems. CI systems can be defined as the data derived from climate observations in addition to mechanisms that track and analyze the data and a system for converting data into usable products.16Trenberth K.E. Marquis M. Zebiak S. The vital need for a climate information system.Nat. Clim. Change. 2016; 6: 1057-1059Crossref Scopus (17) Google Scholar Scholars caution that, despite its potential, CI is often not usable by policy makers, and significant gaps exist between the generation of CI and its utility.17Kirchhoff C.J. Lemos M.C. Dessai S. Actionable knowledge for environmental decision making: broadening the usability of climate science.Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2013; 38: 393Crossref Scopus (302) Google Scholar, 18Lemos M.C. Kirchhoff C.J. Ramprasad V. Narrowing the climate information usability gap.Nat. Clim. Change. 2012; 2: 789-794Crossref Scopus (523) Google Scholar, 19Webber S. Donner S.D. Climate service warnings: cautions about commercializing climate science for adaptation in the developing world.Wiley Interdiscip. Rev. Clim. Change. 2017; 8: e424Crossref Scopus (39) Google Scholar More broadly, the value of CI has been questioned, as in some cases it may be sufficient to identify the directionality of climate impacts and sophisticated CI is not needed, while in others more robust information is warranted.8Dessai S. Hulme M. Lempert R. Pielke Jr., R. Climate Prediction: A Limit to Adaptation. Adapting to Climate Change: Thresholds, Values. Governance, 2009: 64-78Google Scholar,20Chan C. Amerasinghe N. Deploying Adaptation Finance for Maximum Impact: Moving Deyond the Adaptation V. Development False Dichotomy. World Resources Institute, 2018Google Scholar While adaptation policy is not a zero-sum game, there are limited resources available, and the systems required to collect and utilize CI are expensive, particularly in comparison with other adaptation strategies. Countries may want to build capacity to utilize existing data, including CI, and explore partnerships to increase access to data, but policy makers should recognize that investments in CI may come at the expense of other adaptation investments.21Millner A. Climate prediction for adaptation: who needs what?.Clim. Change. 2012; 110: 143-167Crossref Scopus (15) Google Scholar The long-term benefits of CI may justify the costs, but other investments may have more immediate adaptation benefits. For example, design standards in most developing countries are insufficient to handle the current climate; investments to reduce current vulnerability would go a long way to addressing future vulnerability and do not necessarily require sophisticated data.22Heltberg R. Siegel P.B. Jorgensen S.L. Addressing human vulnerability to climate change: toward a ‘no-regrets’ approach.Glob. Environ. Change. 2009; 19: 89-99Crossref Scopus (343) Google Scholar In addition, investments in human capital can help increase the capacity of society to handle a variety of shocks and stresses, although not all development efforts necessarily reduce climate vulnerability.23Eakin H.C. Lemos M.C. Nelson D.R. Differentiating capacities as a means to sustainable climate change adaptation.Glob. Environ. Change. 2014; 27: 1-8Crossref Scopus (204) Google Scholar, 24Kuhl L. Potential contributions of market-systems development initiatives for building climate resilience.World Dev. 2018; 108: 131-144Crossref Scopus (15) Google Scholar, 25Lemos M.C. Lo Y.-J. Nelson D.R. Eakin H. Bedran-Martins A.M. Linking development to climate adaptation: leveraging generic and specific capacities to reduce vulnerability to drought in NE Brazil.Glob. Environ. Change. 2016; 39: 170-179Crossref Scopus (87) Google Scholar, 26Nelson D.R. Lemos M.C. Eakin H. Lo Y.-J. The limits of poverty reduction in support of climate change adaptation.Environ. Res. Lett. 2016; 11: 094011Crossref Scopus (20) Google Scholar Adaptation strategies that target broad adaptive capacity rather than specific climate impacts can have development co-benefits. Identifying synergies with other development priorities, as well as working to ensure policy coherence, may enhance the political salience of adaptation policy, increase the efficiency with which limited resources can be invested, and have greater social justice benefits.27Atteridge A. Verkuijl C. Dzebo A. Nationally determined contributions (NDCs) as instruments for promoting national development agendas? An analysis of small island developing states (SIDS).Clim. Policy. 2019; : 1-14https://doi.org/10.1080/14693062.2019.1605331Crossref Scopus (13) Google Scholar, 28Di Gregorio M. Nurrochmat D.R. Paavola J. Sari I.M. Fatorelli L. Pramova E. Locatelli B. Brockhaus M. Kusumadewi S.D. Climate policy integration in the land use sector: mitigation, adaptation and sustainable development linkages.Environ. Sci. Policy. 2017; 67: 35-43Crossref Scopus (84) Google Scholar, 29Scobie M. Policy coherence in climate governance in Caribbean small island developing states.Environ. Sci. Policy. 2016; 58: 16-28Crossref Scopus (47) Google Scholar If underlying vulnerabilities are not addressed, investments in additional data, particularly CI, are unlikely to benefit the most marginal members of society, who may not be in a position to take advantage of the opportunities provided by better information (i.e., investments in better seed varieties, insurance mechanisms, or even evacuation plans). It is critical to assess whether lack of information is the primary barrier to adaptation decision making or if there are other limitations to adaptation. In the absence of data, specifically climate projections, decisions are based on heuristics that may or may not be appropriate under climate change. Decision makers may rely on their past experiences, of, for example, past disasters to inform their policy making, even if the conditions that led to those disasters has changed, and even if the historical experiences do not align with the projected climate impacts in the region. This can have a profound impact on the design of adaptation policy. This impact is potentially positive but, if the path dependency of these past experiences remains unconscious, opportunities to enhance socially just adaptation options may be missed. Despite the fact that historical experiences do not necessarily reflect future climate realities, they still play an important role in motivating climate policy. Focusing events: sudden, rare, harmful events that bring attention to an issue, are well known to drive policy.30Birkland T.A. After Disaster: Agenda Setting, Public Policy, and Focusing Events. Georgetown University Press, 1997Google Scholar,31O'Donovan K. An assessment of aggregate focusing events, disaster experience, and policy change.Risk, Hazards Crisis Publ. Pol. 2017; 8: 201-219Crossref Scopus (12) Google Scholar Current extreme events create policy windows of opportunity, while past extreme events shape narratives of climate change and the adaptation policies that develop as a result. We should pay more attention to the role of these historical experiences in shaping adaptation policy (in both positive and negative ways), particularly in data scarce contexts where they are likely to play a larger role. In particular, it is important to analyze if policies based on historical experiences reinforce systems of inequality, privileging certain groups over others, or if they enhance equity. As Naomi Klein's32Klein N. The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. Macmillan, 2007Google Scholar concept of disaster capitalism illustrates, not all opportunities that arise from disaster advance social justice priorities. Two examples, based on fieldwork in Ethiopia and Honduras, illustrate the importance of disasters and the path dependency of adaptation policy. In both cases, disasters are indelibly marked in the memories of individuals across the country. While these events caused trauma, they also paved the path for adaptation efforts underway today. Because of the different historical situations, the adaptation strategies that evolved are quite distinct. In Ethiopia in the 1980s, significant rainfall shortages, along with domestic and international policies, led to food insecurity and famine estimated to have caused between 400,000 and 1 million deaths and left millions more destitute.33Webb P. Von Braun J. Yohannes Y. Famine in Ethiopia: policy implications of coping failure at national and household levels.Food Nutr. Bull. 1994; 15: 1-2Crossref Google Scholar One of the key programs to emerge after the famine was the social protection program known as the Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP), a food/cash for work program supporting over 8 million chronically food insecure households in exchange for labor on public works projects. The PSNP has been recognized by both practitioners and academics for its contributions to resilience.34Berhane G. Gilligan D.O. Hoddinott J. Kumar N. Taffesse A.S. Can social protection work in Africa? The impact of Ethiopia’s productive safety net programme.Econ. Dev. Cult. Change. 2014; 63: 1-26Crossref Scopus (53) Google Scholar, 35Gilligan D.O. Hoddinott J. Taffesse A.S. The impact of Ethiopia's productive safety net programme and its linkages.J. Dev. Stud. 2009; 45: 1684-1706Crossref Scopus (114) Google Scholar, 36Negra C. Vermeulen S. Barioni L.G. Mamo T. Melville P. Tadesse M. Brazil, Ethiopia, and New Zealand lead the way on climate-smart agriculture.Agric. Food Secur. 2014; 3: 1Crossref Scopus (7) Google Scholar The food/cash transfers are designed to ensure basic nutrition and protect against asset depletion, while the public works component of the program builds and maintains community assets, frequently through watershed rehabilitation activities, such as terracing, tree planting, and establishment of area enclosures. The PSNP serves as a key foundation for Ethiopia's adaptation strategies today. It has been effective in supporting many of the poorest households in the country, although the potential of the program to support “graduation” out of poverty remains a challenge. In Honduras, in 1998, Hurricane Mitch destroyed over 80% of Honduras' GDP, caused over 7,000 deaths, left over a million people displaced and homeless, and devastated infrastructure that took more than 10 years to rebuild.37Carter M.R. Little P.D. Mogues T. Negatu W. Poverty traps and natural disasters in Ethiopia and Honduras.World Dev. 2007; 35: 835-856Crossref Scopus (317) Google Scholar, 38Ensor M.O. The Legacy of Hurricane Mitch: Lessons from Post-disaster Reconstruction in Honduras. University of Arizona Press, 2009Google Scholar, 39United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America & the CaribbeanHonduras: Assessment of the Damages Caused by Hurricane Mitch, 1998-Implications for Economic and Social Development and for the Environment.1999Google Scholar Individuals tend to describe life, even now, more than two decades after the hurricane, as “before” or “after” Mitch. After Hurricane Mitch, the country invested heavily in early warning systems and disaster response. A system of emergency committees, from the national level down to the village level, exists to coordinate disaster response and has resulted in efficient management of subsequent events, although this system was severely tested by two hurricanes in 2020, Eta and Iota, that have been compared with Hurricane Mitch. However, this emphasis on disaster preparedness and response has dominated adaptation strategies at the potential expense of investments in strategies to build broader adaptive capacity. In both cases, the genesis of adaptation policy in the historical experience of disaster has led to an emphasis in adaptation strategies on the prevention of that specific disaster, and not on building broader adaptive capacity or empowerment. Stakeholders in both contexts have reflected on the missed opportunities and challenges for expanding conceptions of adaptation policy beyond these initial experiences. Historical disasters can not only shape narratives, but also influence the data that inform adaptation policy. Although often presented as objective, data are never neutral. The choices of what data are collected, how they are presented, and how they inform policy are political. Vulnerability indicators, in particular, are deeply connected to issues of power. Nations are not passive recipients of vulnerability rankings and can and do mobilize rankings to their advantage. For example, some countries resist being upgraded from least-developed countries status because this status provides access to certain funding. Countries can use vulnerability rankings to demand higher financial flows from donor countries, and natural disasters have been shown to influence international aid allocation in the short term,40Becerra O. Cavallo E. Noy I. Foreign aid in the aftermath of large natural disasters.Rev. Dev. 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In Honduras, a country that has consistently ranked as the most vulnerable country in the index (although in the 2019 edition, Honduras was displaced by Puerto Rico), the index is referenced repeatedly across policy documents, including Honduras' nationally determined contribution (NDC), and is cited as a motivator for adaptation.47Government of Honduras Intended Nationally Determined Contributions. Tegucigalpa, 2015Google Scholar While motivating policy, being ranked the most vulnerable country in the world elicited perceptions of fatalism among both policy makers and individual citizens in Honduras. These perceptions were counterproductive to ambitious policy making, as they reduced people's sense of agency and empowerment and led to beliefs that vulnerability was inevitable. For Honduras, the CRI does not take into account current conditions or the enormous progress on disaster preparedness and response made in the past 20 years, providing a very inaccurate portrait of current vulnerability. Because the CRI is based on historical losses and annual weather patterns, it is not particularly well suited for gauging adaptive capacity or adaptation needs. Such indices have been recognized as inappropriate for capturing long-term adaptation finance needs of developing countries,41Weiler F. Klöck C. Dornan M. Vulnerability, good governance, or donor interests? The allocation of aid for climate change adaptation.World Dev. 2018; 104: 65-77Crossref Scopus (59) Google Scholar and its use in policy deliberations may lead to less ambitious adaptation policies or assessment that adaptation efforts have been futile. While disasters and vulnerability can be mobilized to advance policy, there is no guarantee that the response to these opportunities will be positive. 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