Planned hooligan fights: Contributing factors and significance for individuals who take part

Tom Van Ham,Theo A.H Doreleijers,Otto M.J Adang,Henk B Ferwerda,Arjan A.J Blokland

doi:10.1177/1477370820932080

Abstract

Several European countries have recently been confronted with mutually arranged confrontations between hooligan groups in a predesignated setting. This article explores the significance of this form of collective violence for those involved and how this relates to existing collective violence theory. In addition to international and national questionnaires and subsequent in-depth interviews with police officials, two case studies were conducted and compared with a ‘regular’ (not mutually arranged) hooligan confrontation. We also assessed the criminal history and psychological traits of individuals participating in mutually arranged fights ( n = 38) and individuals taking part in a regular confrontation ( n = 76). Our results indicate that the meaning of mutually arranged confrontations differs importantly from that of spontaneous collective violence. Furthermore, data indicate that criminal career measures differ between individuals who are involved in mutually arranged confrontations and spontaneous collective violence. Theoretical implications are discussed.

Highlights

Since the 1980s, violent confrontations between supporter groups in and around football stadiums, endangering both those directly involved as well as other spectators, have been a source of concern (Dunning et al, 1986)
They report that mutually arranged confrontations occur between hooligan groups whose clubs have never played against one another and between whom no troubles are known of
The results of our study indicate that antagonistic relationships between the hooligan groups involved are not a prerequisite for mutually arranged confrontations to occur

Summary

Introduction

Since the 1980s, violent confrontations between supporter groups in and around football stadiums, endangering both those directly involved as well as other spectators, have been a source of concern (Dunning et al, 1986). Explanations for violent confrontations around football that take a class approach are widely rejected nowadays (Dunning, 2000; Taylor, 1987) This goes for so-called convergence explanations of collective violence in general, which focus on the criminal and deviant character of those involved (Ball and Drury, 2012; Reicher, 2001). Explanations of collective violence have taken a group-dynamic discourse, to which the concept of social identity is central (Reicher, 2001) From this perspective, precipitating incidents (trigger events) may result in the emergence of an individual’s self-understanding as a member of a group. A role of individual characteristics of those involved in collective violence is explicitly dismissed (Reicher, 2001)

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Results

Discussion

Conclusion