Abstract

Nonlocal phonological interactions are often sensitive to morphological domains. Bolivian Aymara restricts the cooccurrence of plain, ejective, and aspirated stops within, but not across, morphemes. We document these restrictions in a morphologically parsed corpus of Aymara. We further present two experiments with native Aymara speakers. In the first experiment, speakers are asked to repeat nonce words that should be interpreted as monomorphemic. Speakers are more accurate at repeating nonce words that respect the nonlocal phonotactic restrictions than nonce words that violate them. In a second experiment, some nonce words are interpetable as morphologically complex, while others suggest a monomorphemic parse. Speakers show a sensitivity to this difference, and repeat the words more accurately when they can be interpreted as having a morpheme boundary between two consonants that tend to not cooccur inside a morpheme. Finally, we develop a computational model that induces nonlocal representations from the baseline grammar. The model posits projections when it notices that certain segments often cooccur when separated by a morpheme boundary. The model generates a full Maximum Entropy phonotactic grammar, which makes distinctions between attested and rare/unattested sequences in a way that aligns with the speaker behavior.

Highlights

  • One of the challenges for a theory of phonotactics is recognizing that constraints can hold inside morphemes but be lifted at morpheme boundaries (Trubetzkoy 1939; Chomsky and Halle 1968; et. seq.)

  • The simulations reported in this paper show that the morphologically sensitive, nonlocal restrictions in Aymara are observable as morpheme boundary trigrams in a parsed corpus, despite the presence of exceptions

  • 6 Conclusion This paper has examined a set of morphologically sensitive, nonlocal restrictions in Aymara in a corpus study, behavioral experiments, and a computational model

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Summary

Introduction

One of the challenges for a theory of phonotactics is recognizing that constraints can hold inside morphemes but be lifted at morpheme boundaries (Trubetzkoy 1939; Chomsky and Halle 1968; et. seq.). This situation is quite common: for example, in English, the cluster [md] is not found inside morphemes, but it is allowed in suffixed verbs such as “hemmed” Likewise, when it comes to nonlocal phonological interactions, some languages respect the relevant constraints in any phonological word, but it seems to be if not more common for nonlocal phonotactics to apply differently inside vs across morphemes. These kinds of patterns present an interesting learnability problem: if a learner attends to phonological words only, the relevant constraints may be violated, so how, if at all, do speakers arrive at the knowledge of correct constraints that hold morpheme-internally?. Within Aymara morphemes, plain-aspirate, plain-ejective and ­heterorganic ejective-ejective combinations are described as restricted (see (1)), though these combinations may arise across morpheme boundaries (see (2)):

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