Abstract
This paper proposes a novel account of a derivationally opaque aspect of ATR harmony in Eastern Andalusian. Harmony in the language is driven by Positional Licensing: [-ATR] originating on final vowels must spread to the stressed vowel. Intervening post-tonic vowels optionally also harmonize, as do pretonic vowels. Typically in licensing-driven systems, if harmony is unable to reach the licensor, harmony does not affect non-licensing positions either. Not so in Eastern Andalusian: high vowels do not harmonize, but a stressed high vowel does not prevent unstressed vowels from harmonizing as normal – harmony can overapply on these vowels. The analysis, couched in serial Harmonic Grammar, develops a new mechanism called persistence that accounts for this opacity. Under persistence, once a feature satisfies Positional Licensing by spreading to the licensing position, Positional Licensing remains satisfied for the rest of the derivation, even if the feature vacates the licensing position. This allows a stressed high vowel to harmonize, thereby permitting unstressed vowels to harmonize, too, and then harmony can retract off the high vowel without running afoul of Positional Licensing.
Highlights
Positional Licensing constraints militate against features that do not coincide with a particular prominent “licensing” position, such as a stressed syllable (Walker, 2011)
A consequence of /s/-aspiration is that the now-word-final vowel becomes lax; this laxness (i.e. [–ATR]) spreads to the stressed syllable
3.1 Positional Licensing in Harmonic Grammar (HG) Whereas standard Positional Licensing assigns a single violation to an unlicensed feature, in other work (Kaplan, 2018b) I have argued that HG necessitates the formalism in (4)
Summary
Positional Licensing constraints militate against features that do not coincide with a particular prominent “licensing” position, such as a stressed syllable (Walker, 2011). In the Romance variety of Central Veneto, post-tonic [+high] spreads to the stressed syllable, but this time intervening vowels harmonize: [urdini] ‘order (2SG PRS IND)’; cf [ordeno] ‘order (1SG).’. In both cases, once [+high] reaches the stressed syllable, Positional Licensing is satisfied. This prediction is borne out by most of the phenomena that Walker examines for which relevant data is available. This requires an innovation that I will call persistence: Positional Licensing must treat the harmonizing feature as licensed even after it vacates the licensor
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