Abstract

This paper presents evidence from a series of perception experiments that non-local restrictions on laryngeal features are restrictions on contrast. First, I present results from two perception experiments and show that the perceptual strength of a contrast in ejection or aspiration correlates with the typology of long-distance restrictions on these segments. I then claim that a language may disallow roots with two ejectives because roots of this type are judged too perceptually similar to a root with only one ejective. Second, I claim that non-local laryngeal restrictions involve restrictions on auditory properties. A third experiment supports the idea that long VOT is relevant in explaining the interaction of ejectives and aspirates in Quechua, thus supporting the proposal that auditory dimensions of contrast are relevant to phonology ( Flemming, 1995; Steriade, 1997).

Full Text
Paper version not known

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call

Disclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.