Abstract
Abstract The Homeric hapax αἰνοπαθής ‘terribly suffering’ has been adduced as evidence for ancient processes of Indo-European word-formation. In particular, the vocalism of the root, α of -παθ-, would derive from *n̥, an ablaut grade conditioned by the accent on the ending -ής (a “hysterokinetic” s-stem adjective). I reexamine the passage where the word is found and argue the vocalism of -παθής reflects not an archaism but an innovation in Homeric Greek. Using this reanalysis as a point of departure, I review recent literature on s-stem adjectives in Greek, Vedic, and Proto-Indo-European, disputing that the evidence suffices for a hysterokinetic reconstruction. I propose that the PIE accent was borne on the first member of these exocentric compounds as we find it in earliest Old Indic, in the prehistory of Greek, and in certain Greek archaisms.
Highlights
How old is Homeric αἰνοπαθής? Some scholars have analysed the compound as coming from the bedrock of prehistoric Greek
Such an analysis departs primarily from the vocalism of the second member: the α of the root -παθ- would derive from a zero-grade *n, an ablaut grade conditioned by the accent on the ending -ής
Once I have argued the zero-grade ablaut is not so old as previously thought, we turn to the thornier questions of accentuation in the sstem adjectives (Section 2.1)
Summary
How old is Homeric αἰνοπαθής? Some scholars have analysed the compound as coming from the bedrock of prehistoric Greek. I agree with his schema and discuss further how he understood deverbal derivation in this category, following the recent work on s-stem adjectives in Greek carried out by Meissner (2006) and Blanc (2018).
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