Peace-building as Small State Foreign Policy

In traditional small state literature, small states are often relegated to the periphery. They are characterised as ‘rule-takers’ rather than ‘rulemakers’, lacking the resources to be proactive on the global stage and perpetually defined by a power deficit. Consequently, small state foreign policy behaviour is presumed to be driven by an enduring sense of dependence, with such states consistently aligning their policies with those of major players. This article challenges such assertions, arguing they reflect an outdated understanding of small state behaviour and power. By examining the cases of Seychelles and Mauritius, two Small Island Developing States in the South-West Indian Ocean, this article demonstrates that they defy these traditional notions. Through a thematic analysis of official government speeches from 2017 to 2024 and drawing on Holsti’s conception of role theory, the article argues that these two islands are actively enacting the role of ‘pioneers’, directly contrasting with dependency-based foreign policy frameworks. Beyond expanding on the foreign policy of small states to include an ‘interdependent foreign policy’ (IFP) orientation, this article also shows that the role of ‘pioneer’ carries its own form of power, offering an alternative perspective on how small, oceanic states can assert influence in international relations.

The research project looks at the discursive reproduction of Indian identity by the Indian ‘security elites’ in a rising India’s foreign policy discourse and aims to understand the idea of Indian difference or exceptionalism as both shaping India’s foreign policies and being reproduced through the same. It looks at India’s approach with three specific in depth case studies- nuclear energy and disarmament; the ‘neighbourhood first’ policy and relations with Pakistan; and India’s Ocean policy in the context of expanding Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. Drawing on critical and radical constructivism literature, foreign policy is seen as a site for identity (re-)construction through Self/Other lenses. It explores the representational and performative practices through which multiple spatial-political/temporal and internal/external Others are (re-) constructed against which the Indian Self is continuously (re-)defined, re-produced and secured. The study identifies that Indian elites have always operated with a strong sense of exceptionalism or Indian-ness and continue to discursively reproduce the Indian difference. The study intends to explore the content of ‘Indian exceptionalism’ or difference as discursively reproduced in the first half of the thesis. It identifies certain themes of Indian-ness and employs them in the three policy areas which are examined in the latter half of the thesis. This helps to understand India’s interactions with the nuclear order that brought India from the periphery to the mainstream. The study explores the various Self-representational practices in relation to the temporal and spatial-political Others to reproduce India’s difference as ‘a responsible nuclear power’ despite being outside the non-proliferation regimes and to facilitate India’s domestic transformation. In the South Asian neighbourhood, India is re-produced as a force of stability and prosperity in the region and New Delhi has re-interpreted its policy of ‘strategic restraint’ with the use of surgical strikest to deal with Pakistan-terrorism nexus. India identifies the China Other as both a long term and short term challenge and this has effected in significant shifts in India’s Ocean diplomacy. Indian elites aim to reposition India as a normative actor in the Indo-Pacific region and express India’s willingness to shoulder greater responsibilities to emerge as a ‘security provider’ based on the Panchamrit doctrine under Narendra Modi’s leadership. There are both continuities and changes in India’s representational practices and the dissertation aims to explore and analyse these and establish the links between India’s foreign policy discourse and practices. It is an interpretative and qualitative study based on extensive documentary analysis and elite interviews which aims to understand India’s commitment to traditional principles, its re-interpretations and modifications to assist India’s rise on the global stage. The study concludes that identity matters in order to understand these continuities and changes in India’s foreign policy practices and ideas of ‘civilizational exceptionalism’ remain integral to India’s identity (re-)production.

Until recently, foreign policy and diplomacy have been some of the most male-dominated fields of state and international policy. Any changes to foreign policy and diplomacy – the strategies and tactics used in international relations between state, inter-state, supra-national, and non-state actors alike – has a major impact on how foreign policy practices are perceived, but also how they are analysed. With the entry of feminist (peace) activism into state discourses and beyond, a range of states have engaged with integrating feminist initiatives into their approach to foreign policy and diplomacy. Feminist scholars have important contributions to make to the study and practice of foreign policy and diplomacy Feminist foreign policy entails goals and expectations that necessarily lead to fundamental global resistance, but that could also bring about visible gender-sensitive results and is essential to peace and demilitarisation. Many countries that situate their foreign policy and diplomatic practices within the contemporary feminist turn are typically self-identifying.

Current events happening around the world, especially the 'humanitarian interventions' by NATO and the West within the context of the so-called Arab Spring, make the understanding of the role of spheres of influence in international politics absolutely critical. Hast explores the practical implications and applications of this theory, challenging the concept by using historical examples such as suzerainty and colonialism, as well as the emergence of a hierarchical international order. This study further connects the English School tradition, post-war international order, the Cold War and images of Russia with the concept of the sphere of influence to initiate debate and provide a fresh outlook on a concept which has little recent attention.

This book examines the relationship between the European Union (EU) and its member states by analysing how the process of integration in the field of foreign policy is shaping member states' identities. Focusing on the mutually constitutive aspects of the relationship between the EU and its member states, Jokela argues that we need discourse analytic and comparative tools for analysing foreign policy in the EU context and draws on the contributions of poststructural international relations. Providing empirically rich and comparative case studies that explore the impact of europeanization of foreign and security policy on Finnish and British foreign policy discourses as well as these states' identities, Jokela generates detailed knowledge about the interplay of national and supranational foreign policy discourses. Making an important contribution to europeanization studies, foreign policy analysis and discourse analysis, this book will be of strong interest to students and scholars of European politics, comparative politics, foreign policy and interntional relations.

Conspiracies abound. States regularly plot in secret, together and against each other. Terrorist organisations are, by their very nature, based on conspiracies. This is one reason why the threat of conspiracies has often loomed large in foreign policy discourses. Yet allegations about the secret operation of international political power are often thought of as paranoid. Of all the ways an idea can be discredited, the label ‘conspiracy’ ranks amongst the most effective. Images of delusion and irrationality come thick and fast. Which conspiracies are real? Which allegations are irrational? And who decides? The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role conspiracy discourse played in American foreign policy during the so-called War on Terror decade. In the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, high profile foreign policy commentators claimed that Arab-Muslim resentment towards America was provoked by conspiracy theories about American power. This connection subsequently made its way into numerous US Government policy documents and initiatives. Examples here include the National Security Strategy and the National Strategy for Combatting Terrorism of 2006, and State Department public diplomacy programs tasked with ‘debunking’ anti-American conspiracy theories and misinformation. I argue that the link between anti-Americanism and conspiracy theories had a specific political effect in this context: it delegitimized criticism of American power, buttressed particular foreign policy practices, and secured an image of America as benign and misunderstood in its international political interactions. My thesis contributes to international relations literature investigating the processes through which legitimacy is produced in foreign policy discourses.

Regardless of the existing conflicts, the twenty-first century might be predominantly a century of soft power, most pronounced in Europe. Turkey, which geographically belongs to Europe and Asia, has been looking to achieve its foreign policy priorities and is changing its methodology of conducting foreign policy. The use of soft power based on national culture, political values, religion, economy, institutions, and international relations in the early 21st century represented a radical turn compared to earlier historical attempts. Throughout history, Turkey used hard power in the region, but it was mostly unsuccessful. Therefore, the nature of soft power represented an opportunity for strengthening Turkey as a regional power and a qualitative change of negative stereotypes about this country. However, it is evident that soft power in the changed regional security circumstances in the final years of the second decade in the 21st century is insufficient, so Turkey has started using hard power (military) again to strengthen its leadership position. This paper explains the soft power of the Republic of Turkey in the MENA region and the recent reorientation to the combination of military strength and diplomatic influence in international relations. How much that rearrangement in foreign policy will position Turkey in the new security and political circumstances at the beginning of the 21st century's third decade remains to be seen.

While the specifics of Europe's internal dimensions — its ultimate geographic boundaries and its future institutional design — have attracted much attention and caused considerable debate, the future role of the European Union in international relations by comparison has been neglected in terms of both public debate and scientific scrutiny. This is perhaps not surprising, given the massive enlargement of EU membership since the mid-1990s, which has absorbed much of Europe's political energies over the last years, and will undoubtedly continue to do so in the near future. At the same time, the European Union since 1990 has also seen its standing and its influence in international relations on balance increase rather substantially, even if this trend has been buffeted repeatedly by setbacks and crises. Indeed, it could be argued that European influence in international relations has grown not despite, but because of major crises which have forced the member states to focus on their shared interests and act accordingly. Whichever it may be, this trend has perhaps been most clearly observed from a distance: several prominent American observers even predicted that the twenty-first century would belong to the new superpower Europe (Kupchan, 2002; Rifkin, 2004).

The article notes that modern processes taking place in the world are causing the reformation of the system of international relations, forcing scientists to think about the conceptualization of the concept of "political influence". Any influence is a process whose goal is to change behavior, preferences, positions, feelings and emotions, beliefs, as well as group norms, mass attitudes, and social consciousness. Political influence is one of the varieties of social influence. Political influence is traditionally seen as a manifestation of power. In international relations, the concept of "political influence" is associated with the concepts of "state power", "state power". It is noted that influence in the international arena can be exercised using various means and mechanisms, in particular, using "hard" or "soft" power. At the same time, the same resources can act as "soft" or "hard" power, for example, economic, human, communication, etc. In the system of international relations, dialogic and authoritarian communication is used, which affects the results of influence. The article analyzes the means of influence, in particular, attention is paid to the classification of resources of political influence. It is noted that political influence in international relations depends on many factors: economic, social, informational. It is pointed out that there are various methods of political influence, the subjects of which are both individuals and large transnational corporations, international organizations and states. The effectiveness of political influence will depend on the specific characteristics of the subject and the object of influence, on their status in the international arena, prestige, will, etc., and the nature of the relationship between the participants. It is concluded that political influence in international relations is an integral part of them.

In recent years, both state and non-state religious actors have become important for understanding international outcomes in many parts of world. Fundamental norms of international relations were enshrined in the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) - particularly the notion of state restraint in religious matters. This encouraged belief that international relations discourse is predominantly secular. Religion now influences international outcomes involving international society. All religious actors’ influence in international relations is linked to their ability to exercise ‘soft power’. The chapter examines the theory and practice of religion’s involvement in international relations.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the humanitarian component of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in a regional and global context. The subject of the research is the set of ideological concepts, value orientations, and practical strategies through which China shapes and promotes its humanitarian influence on the international stage. Special attention is paid to the evolution of China’s foreign policy discourse—from the concepts of "peaceful development" and "harmonious world," characteristic of Hu Jintao's leadership, to the idea of a "community of shared future for mankind" and the concept of "cultural soft power under state control," developed and institutionalized during Xi Jinping’s era. The article examines the role of culture, ideology, inter-civilizational dialogue, people’s diplomacy, and humanitarian exchanges as tools for strengthening China's international image, reducing foreign policy risks, and advancing national interests. The analysis covers the interrelation of the internal cultural-ideological policy of the PRC and its projection into foreign policy practice, as well as the influence of humanitarian factors on China's positioning in the system of modern international relations. The study employs civilizational and constructivist approaches, elements of "soft power" theory, as well as methods of comparative political analysis, historical-genetic analysis, and discourse analysis of official documents and speeches by Chinese leaders. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the comprehensive understanding of the humanitarian component of China's foreign policy as a holistic strategy that combines cultural, ideological, and political tools of influence. It concludes that the transition from the concept of a "harmonious world" to the idea of a "community of shared future for mankind" reflects not only the growth of China's international ambitions but also the desire to propose an alternative model of global development based on the principles of cultural diversity, sovereign equality, and mutual benefit. The article also argues that China's humanitarian strategy serves a dual function: on one hand, it aims to create a favorable external environment and strengthen the country's international authority, while on the other, it acts as a tool for internal consolidation and legitimization of the CCP's course.

South Africa's leadership has sought ethical foreign policy since the advent of democracy. This foreign policy outlook focuses on the African continent and includes certain articulations of pro-gender justice norms. In this article, I reflect on the extent to which South Africa's foreign policy embraces these norms as part of its foreign apparatus and practices. It takes at its starting point the nascent literature on feminist foreign policy applied to South Africa, which shares similarities to countries in the Global North that claim a feminist orientation to foreign policy. Moreover, it takes account of gender dynamics at the domestic level and how they are manifested in foreign policy discourses and practices, particularly in the understanding and implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. Utilizing qualitative content analysis, this article provides context and meaning for how gender concerns have evolved in South Africa's foreign policy, including the role of certain norm entrepreneurs in shaping the gender narrative. The article concludes that the domestic context is important to shaping and limiting how a country can enact feminist foreign policy. Importantly, the South African case provides a Global South dimension to the nascent scholarship.

The article investigates the relevance of foreign policy discourse and practice for military gender relations. The link between women’s status in military institutions and the gendering of foreign policy has so far not been thoroughly addressed in military and gender research or foreign policy analysis. Feminist international relations provides a research strategy to show how foreign policy doctrines and debates are gendered and how they are connected to gender (in)equality in central state institutions such as the military. The article thus applies feminist international relations as a theoretical framework that transcends the constructed dichotomy between national and international levels of analysis. In a case study of the USA from the Clinton to the Obama administrations, patterns of military gender integration are established as a phenomenon incorporating both domestic and international dimensions. Foreign policy discourses and practices in this time period are related to shifts in military gender policies and discourses on gender integration. It is argued that the gender order in military institutions is linked to international politics and state behaviour in the international arena.

This research aimed to analyze the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan as a small state in the context of the school of political realism. By examining the nature and essence of the foreign policy of small states in international and regional relations based on the concept of realism, the authors formed six different conceptual expert criteria. Based on the results of the study, firstly, Kyrgyzstan's passive participation in global trends indicates that its capabilities as a small state are limited. The limited military-political, social, and economic potential of the state prevents it from achieving independence in international relations. Secondly, Kyrgyzstan's international initiatives are mostly symbolic in nature and do not provide it with strategic advantages. This results from the state's dependence on external initiatives in regional and global political processes. Thirdly, the geographical location and limited natural resources of Kyrgyzstan hinder its ability to pursue an effective foreign policy in its interests. Fourthly, reliance on established norms of international law is an important strategy for preserving the country's sovereignty in global processes. Fifth, the desire to become a member of international organizations serves as its main strategy for overcoming external threats and challenges. Finally, Kyrgyzstan does not seek classical neutrality in foreign policy, as military bases of the United States and the Russian Federation are located on its territory. Thus, the concept of realism plays a crucial role in interpreting the nature of Kyrgyzstan's foreign policy.

Journal Article Theory and practice in foreign policy making: national perspectives on academics and professionals in international relations Get access Theory and practice in foreign policy making: national perspectives on academics and professionals in international relations. Edited By Michel Girard, Wolf-Dieter Eberweinand Keith Webb. London: Pinter. 1994. 178pp. Index. £37.50. ISBN 1 85567 185 9. Michael Smith Michael Smith 1University of Loughborough Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 71, Issue 2, April 1995, Page 360, https://doi.org/10.2307/2623443 Published: 01 April 1995