Patterns of Commitment to Work and Parenting: Implications for Role Strain

Abstract

Adults typically occupy multiple roles (e.g., spouse, parent, worker), and an abundant research literature attests to the intimate connections between adults' role-related experiences and their psychological and physical well-being (Barnett & Baruch, 1985; Baruch & Barnett, 1987; Crosby, 1991; Piotrkowski, 1979; Pleck, 1985; Verbrugge, 1987). A consistent theme of research in this area is that the objective demands that accompany occupancy of multiple roles are a potential source of stress that may undermine well-being. Thus, the amount of time that an individual devotes to work, parenting, marital, and other role-related activities (e.g., church member, political party member) may lead to feelings of overload and depletion, and the responsibilities that arise within each sphere of activity may lead to feelings of conflict between and among roles. In a provocative theoretical statement, Marks (1977) argued against this position, speculating that role overload and role conflict are not the result of an objective excess of role demands, but of individuals' psychological commitment to their social roles. He argued that role strain and role conflict arise when individuals are under- or over-committed to one role relative to another. Thus, an individual who perceives family roles as burdensome is likely to be less invested in family roles than in the work role. Marks predicted that minimal role strain would occur in a system of positive to primary roles--that is, above-average commitment to work and parental roles. This view is consistent with recent theoretical work linking role commitment to identity theory--work suggesting that commitment to a role is related to the sense of identity through a reciprocal process, in which commitment strengthens feelings of identity, and identity, in turn, strengthens or increases role-relevant actions, relationships, and organizational ties (Burke & Reitzes, 1991). Insofar as people who occupy both the parent and worker roles view their roles as central to their identity, one might suggest (following Marks) that they discount the demands associated with role-related activities, or view them in a more positive light, thereby minimizing feelings of strain and conflict. An obvious alternative position is that high commitment to more than one time-, energy-, and emotion-demanding role might increase strain and stress. Research focused on the number of roles occupied (i.e., research in which commitment is not measured directly) gives weight to this position: Individuals with either very few or very many social roles are more distressed (Goode, 1960; Thoits, 1986). Perhaps individuals benefit from balanced, positive commitment to dual roles, or at least draw (i.e., reap no special costs from high commitment to multiple roles) only under favorable circumstances--that is, in certain occupational and social contexts. Little empirical research has addressed the importance of role commitment to men's and women's well-being. Moreover, no studies, to our knowledge, have attempted to test the notion that particular patterns of role commitments are optimal for minimizing role strain and conflict, despite the fact that researchers with interests in work and the family frequently cite Marks' (1977) article (see, for example, Barnett & Baruch, 1985; Baruch & Barnett, 1986; Baruch, Biener, & Barnett, 1987). Pleck, utilizing data from the 1977 Quality of Employment Survey but studying commitments singly rather than in combination, found that men and women who were highly involved in their work viewed their lives more positively, even when demographic variables and measures of time allocation were controlled (Pleck, 1985). Greenberger and O'Neil (1993), drawing on a more recent sample of married, employed parents with young children, examined the contributions of role commitments, role-related demands, role satisfactions, role performance, social support, and life cycle indicators (i. …