Abstract

If one were to attempt to learn something concerning the parole of prisoners from sources available in an American library, he could not fail to be struck by a glaring contradiction. Parole, the text-books on Criminology would tell him, is one of America's greatest contributions to penological science. Parole, he would learn from the popular magazines and the sensational press, is a means by which sentimental reformers and corrupt politicians connive to release crooks from the punishment which they have earned. The curious thing is that both these statements are, in a measure, true. The criminologist and the journalist are discussing two different things. The criminologist is talking about the principle of parole as an ideal method of releasing prisoners. Good parole, it is true, is the best method of release that has yet been devised. The popular journalist, on the other hand, is, talking about the present administration of parole and that administration is, by and large, nothing to boast about. This simple distinction between the parole principle, on the one hand, and present parole practice, on the other, is a necessary preliminary to any adequate understanding of the question of parole. An intelligent man who understands what parole aims to do cannot very well oppose it in principle. The recent criticism of parole has been due, in the main, simply to a lack of understanding. Journalists, men in the street, even judges on the bench have been inclined to place parole in the category of executive clemency. They seem to think that its purpose is to shorten terms of imprisonment, to hasten the hour of release. They feel that the proponents of parole are actuated by a sentimental regard for the comfort of the criminal. This is a mistaken view. It is not the purpose of parole to lessen punishment, to make things easier for the offender. Parole is not leniency. On the contrary, it is to be commended because it is at once the most severe and the safest method by which prisoners may be released.

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